
Class Jr_I5_L. 

,■37 

^ — ^F^ 






THE ROMANCE OF 
OLD PHILADELPHIA 



By THEODORE DE BOOY 
and JOHN T. FARIS 

THE VIRGIN ISLANDS 

OUR NEW POSSESSIONS AND 
THE BRITISH ISLANDS 

97 ILLUSTRATIONS AND FIVE MAPS 

ESPECIALLY PREPARED FOR THIS WORK 

OCTAVO, $3.00 NET 

Americans wishing to know what we possess in the 
Virgin Islands — the investor and financier as well 
as the general reader — will value this beautiful 
guide. History — four hundred years of romance, 
from the landing of Columbus to their purchase ia 
1917 from Denmark; scenery and climate — almost 
unrivalled anywhere, with attractions for the tour- 
ist, yachtsman, hunter, fisherman, of the same high 
merit; commercial possibilities — based upon splen- 
did agricultural advantages, fine harbors and other 
natural gifts; these are among the high points of 
this facinating book. A colorful volume, finely 
illustrated. "The journey we share is delightful." 
— Boston Transcript. 



By JOHN T. FARIS 

OLD ROADS 
OUT OF PHILADELPHIA 

117 ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP 
DECORATED CLOTH, OCTAVO, $4.00 NET 

The roads out of Philadelphia are the most historic 
in America. Such names as The Battle of Brandy- 
wine, Valley Forge and Militia Hill suggest the 
fascination of the roads leading from Philadelphia. 
The author presents the past and the present of 
ten of these highways: The King's Highway, The 
Baltimore Turnpike, The West Chester Road, The 
Lancaster Turnpike, The Gulph Road, The Ridge 
Road, The Germantown Turnpike, The Bethlehem 
Road, The Old York Road, and The Bristol Turn- 
pike. Profuse illustrations and a stimulating text 
make the book a prize for the walker, the auto- 
mobilist and the local historian. 




THE ROMANCE OF 
OLD PHILADELPHIA 



BY 

JOHN T. FARIS 

AUTHOR OP "old ROADS OUT OF PHILADELPHIA," JOINT AUTHOR OF _ 

"the virgin islands: odb new possessions and the BRITISH islands' 

WITH FRONTISPIECE IN COLOR AND 100 IL- 
LUSTRATIONS FROM ORIGINAL SOURCES AND 
FROM PHOTOGRAPHS BY PHILIP B. WALLACE 





PHILADELPHIA AND LONDON 
J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 

1918 



COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 



PRINTED BY J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 

AT THE WASHINGTON SQUARE PRESS 

PHILADELPHIA, U. S. A. 



NOV 21 1918 



'Ci.A508226 



PREFACE 

THERE is no romance like that of the lives of 
those who, when duty calls, dare to venture in 
the dark, who are content to lay the foundations 
on which others may build, who are brave enough to 
endure present privation for the sake of future good, 
especially when they realize that the good they hope 
for may not be seen, except in fleeting shadow, by 
their own generation. 

The emigrants who followed the explorers from 
Europe to America, who struggled with pioneer condi- 
tions in the midst of savages, who, though they knew 
from experience little of representative government, or 
of freedom to worship God according to the dictates 
of their own conscience, or of education that was free 
to all, yet made their brave and successful effort to 
build up government and church and schools, would 
have appreciated words written centuries later by 
Robert Louis Stevenson, "Life is a thing to be daringly 
used and cheerfully hazarded.'* 

Those words tell the truth concerning the life of the 
pioneer, a life of toil, of sacrifice, of heroic endurance, 
but to them, a life of real joy and to those who look 
back on it a life of the richest romance. 

We can realize more of the truth of the statement 
as applied to the brave men and women of pioneer 
days than they could possibly see for themselves. 
They knew that they were making a venture into the 
unknown; we know now what that venture cost them. 

5 



PREFACE 

They understood that they were lining up with the 
trail blazers of history who have paved the way for a 
better civilization, but the modern world's apprecia- 
tion of this fact is far beyond anything that they could 
have. There were probably times when many of them 
thought with a fine glow of the picturesqueness and 
glamour of a life that had in it so much of conflict with 
hard reality, but it was not possible for them to measure 
truly the relieving features of their daily struggles and 
triumphs. 

It is given to us who can have the perspective sup- 
plied by the lapse of decades and centuries to see the 
romance in the determination to break with home and 
associations in the home land, to face the stormy 
Atlantic, to carve out a new home in a country which 
had never known the tread of civilized man, to build 
up a civilization that would, in many ways, surpass 
any that other countries have ever had, to stand for 
liberty when that stand would certainly involve all in 
fearful hardship and would just as certainly lead many 
to death. 

The study of the romantic element in such pioneer 
struggles has an appeal that is universal; it is of 
absorbing interest to every American who loves his 
country, whether it is based on the experience of those 
who lived in New England, or those who settled in 
the Southland, or those who made their homes on 
the shores of the Delaware or the Hudson. 

Because of the unique part played by Philadelphia 

in the history of the nation, the appeal made by the 

records of those who lived and labored, who loved and 

struggled there, has even more of general interest than 

6 



PREFACE 

a similar study of the pioneers of many other portions 
of the country. Not only was Philadelphia the city of 
the Declaration of Independence, but it was the center 
for a long period of activity during the Revolution, it 
was the city of the Constitution, it was the capital of 
the country during ten of the formative years of the 
nation's life, it was the home of Washington, the place 
where he liked to be better than any other except his 
own beloved Mount Vernon. 

These facts have been constantly in the mind of 
the author in planning The Romance of Old Philadel- 
phia, It has been the effort to picture the romance of 
early American life. 

Much of the material for the volume has been gath- 
ered from manuscripts and genealogical records in the 
matchless collection of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, from the files of the Pennslyvania Historical 
Magazine, which is a vast treasure-house of curious 
and interesting facts about the early history of Philadel- 
phia and Pennsylvania, and from other rare books, 
all found in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society and on the shelves of the Library Company of 
Philadelphia. 

' The author has resisted the temptation to examine 
Watson's Annals of Philadelphia, though realizing 
that he was thus depriving himself of the use of a com- 
pilation that has been for many years a source of 
inspiration and a mine of information to the students 
of Philadelphia history. 

Grateful acknowledgment is made to George W. 
Jacobs & Co., Philadelphia, publishers of "Historic 
Dress in America" (copyright, 1903), and to the artist, 

7 



PREFACE 

Miss Sophie B. Steele, for permission to copy the 
illustrations of Colonial dress reproduced on pages 
137, 157 and 212; to Messrs. Ferris & Leach, 
Philadelphia, publishers of "The Quaker" (copyright, 
1901), for the use of the illustrations on pages 181, 
202 and 213 ; to the Macmillan Company, New York, 
publishers of "Two Centuries of Costume in America," 
copyright, 1903, by Alice Morse Earle, for permission 
to use the illustrations on pages 128, 136 and 231; to 
Miss Clara E. Graff, for permission to use the photo- 
graphs from "The Claypoole Family" (copyright, 
1893), which are reproduced on pages 27 and 36; to 
Simon Castner, of Philadelphia, who, from his priceless 
collection of prints of old Philadelphia, lent the beau- 
tiful print from which the Frontispiece was made; to 
Ernest Spofford, Assistant Librarian of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania, and George Maurice Abbot, 
Librarian of the Library Company of Philadelphia, 
and the courteous members of his staff; to Philip B. 
Wallace, photographer, 711 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, 
who made the photographs reproduced in the volume; 
and to E. S. Holloway, of J. B, Lippincott Company, 
whose skill and patience have helped to give form to 
these records drawnfrom the history of Old Philadelphia. 

J. T. F. 

Philadelphia, 

August, 1918 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER PAGE 

I. FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 19 

THE SUBLIME COURAGE OF THE PIONEERS "NEITHER HOUSE 

NOR shelter" A "tUNN OF GOODS " CAPTURED BY A 

PRIVATEER — A MARRIAGEABLE YOUNG MAN — SELLING THEIR 
TIME TO PAY THEIR PASSAGE — SQUALLS AND PRIVATEERS 

AND AN UNEXPECTED DELIVERANCE THE RAT AND THE 

WATERSPOUT — FAMINE ON SHIPBOARD — "THOSE WERE GREAT 
DAYS." 

II. HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 42 

THE HOUSE JAMES CLAYPOOLE WANTED DEALING WITH CAVE 

HOUSES THAT BECAME PUBLIC NUISANCES — THE GOODS 
PAID FOR THREE HUNDRED SQUARE MILES OF LAND — PIONEER 

HARDSHIPS — A THIEF AND A CROWDED HOUSE THE LUXURY 

OF WINDOW PANES — WHAT WAS BOUGHT AT THE VENDUE — 
DINNER-GIVING AND DINNER MANNERS — THE WOES OF 
HOUSECLEANING. 

III. THE BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 60 

WILLIAM PENN FAR IN ADVANCE OF HIS AGE — WHY THE 
TREES OFFENDED A BRUTAL SHIP CAPTAIN — PENNSYL- 
VANIA'S ONLY WITCHCRAFT PROSECUTION — HUMPHREY MOR- 
REY, FIRST MAYOR, AND THE BLUE ANCHOR WHARF — "tO 

; PRISON HE MUST Go" SHEEP RAISING IN THE PUBLIC 

SQUARE STUFFING THE BALLOT BOX IN 1705 "bLACK- 

BEARD's" CHARMED LIFE— FORBIDDEN AMUSEMENTS — THE 
ELECTION RIOT OF 1742 — AN UNWILLING MAYOR-ELECT. 

IV. GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 94 

WHALING AND WHALEMEN HE WANTED HIS SHIP INSURED 

STEPHEN GIRARd's RISE TO POWER — A PHYSICIAN WHO 

CURED ALL HIS PATIENTS — THE GOLDSMITH'S ACCOUNT 

WHY BRYAN OHARA INCREASED HIS CHARGES — DIFFICULTIES 
OF TRADE DURING THE REVOLUTION — ROBERT MORRIS IN 
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES — HUMOR IN THE PRISON. 

V. SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 110 

THE CHARMING WOMEN OF OLD PHILADELPHIA — JOSEPH 
SHIPPEN's TRIBUTE TO SOCIAL LEADERS — WHAT A YOUNG 

MAN REQUIRED OF HIS SISTER — A MOUSE IN HER NIGHT CAP 

WHY THE KISS WAS DISAGREEABLE — RULES OF THE DANCE 

THE governor's PREDICAMENT THE CEREMONY OF THE 

SPOON — THE JOYS OF SLEIGH-RIDING AND SERENADING ^A 

DINNER AT PRESIDENT WASHINGTON'S MANSION. 

9 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

VI. MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS. 130 

THE LIBERALITY OF THE POOR — "SOMETHING PRETTY " 
WANTED BY AN ALMSHOUSE INMATE — NO HAYSTACKS ALLOWED 

IN MULBERRY STREET CUT SILVER AND GOOD-NATURED 

"pretty creatures" in the MARKETS — ^AN ENTHUSIAST 

IN DYES — THE BEGINNINGS OF STREET PAVING STEPHEN 

GIRARD TO THE RESCUE — SLAVERY AND SLAVERS. 

VII. EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 150 

THE FIRST SCHOOLMASTER WHY ISRAEL PEMBERTON WAS 

SORE — THE ORIGIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

"not a dove, but a hawk OR A FALCON " LANTERN AND 

BELL, THE PENALTY FOR TARDINESS — HAZING THE MASTER 

SCHOOL ORDINARY — DEAD ON HIS KNEES HE TAUGHT 

SCHOOL IN GAOL — POOR TEN- YEAR-OLD GEORGE ! — THE DAWN- 
ING OF A BETTER DAY. 

VIII. WISE AND OTHERWISE 171 

SUPERSTITION IN 1716 THE LIFE OF A WOMAN WHO MINDS 

HER OWN BUSINESS BETWEEN NOSE AND CHIN " NOT JOHN, 

BUT THE DEMIJOHN TIME TO BURY WEST PHILADELPHIA 

"miss kitty CUT-A-DASH" — ODE TO A MARKETSTREET GUTTER. 

IX. THE QUAINT CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 183 

WHEN STEEPLES WERE SCARCE TROUBLESOME CHAINS AND 

CANDLE LIGHT A PEW FOR PRESIDENT ADAMS THE COMING 

OF GEORGE WHITEFIELD THEY WANTED HIM TO "CINDLE A 

DEAD coal" ALL THIS FOR $300 PER YE.AR! — A BUSY SEXTON 

AN INVITATION TO A FUNERAL — " PRANCING IT THROUGH 

THE STREETS." 

X. COURTSHIP AND MaRRIAGE 201 

GIVING NOTICE IN A "PUBLICK PLACE " WHY SALLY WAS 

SAD— SHE DID NOT KEEP HER PROMISE — A BABY "oF THE 

WORST sex" AN ELOPEMENT AND ITS PAINFUL SEQUEL 

A PEEP AT A bride's TROUSSEAU — SHE MARRIED A WIDOWER 

SOME HUMORS OF COLONIAL COURTSHIP THE AWFUL 

PENALTY OF ATTRACTING MEN. 

XI. PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 227 

TWO POUNDS FOR CARRYING ONE LETTER — WHY PEGGY 
SHIPPEN SIGHED HOW PETER MUHLENBERG PLAYED PRODI- 
GAL — THE CLEVER LADIES OF PHILADELPHIA — A DUN FOR A 
DEER — PROVING A FISH STORY — CONGRESS A "mOBT RESPECT- 
ABLE body" — WHY FRANKLIN WAS SABCASTIC. 

XII. WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 246 

PROUD OF THIRTY CARTS WHY THE CHAIR WAS DELAYED — 

A MAKESHIFT FOR SHEETS THE LANDLADY WHOSE EYES 

WERE "none of the PRETTIEST" — A VAIN FLIGHT FOR 

SAFETY — TO LONG BRANCH UNDER DIFFICULTIES SHE 

"only OVERSET TWISTe" THE STEAMBOAT A PHILADELPHIA 

INVENTION — WHY THE EAGLE DID NOT BEAT THE PHCENIX. 

10 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER PAGE 

XIII. THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 270 

THE DEATH OF TEA — HOMEMADE MUSKETS — "PROCLAIM 
UBERTY" — WHAT IT MEANT TO HAVE AN INVADER IN THE 
CITY — HE WOULD NOT HAVE PENN's COLONY AS A FREE 

GIFT INFLATED CURRENCY AND HIGH PRICES TO MAKE 

LACE OUT OF CAMBRIC THE BEGINNING OF THE DAYBREAK 

WHY FRANKLIN WAS NEEDED TO "hOOP THE BARREL." 

XIV. UNTIL THE CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 299 

A TREMENDOUS SOCIAL STRAIN — A SPECTACULAR FOURTH OF 
JULY — WOES AT BUSH HILL — MARTHA WASHINGTON'S 

"chicken FRYKECY" — PUMPS AND OPEN HYDRANTS THE 

FIRST BALLOON ASCENSION — WASHINGTON OUT AND ADAMS 

IN — WASHINGTON AT LAST FINDS REST A NEW CENTURY, A 

NEW CAPITAL, AND RENEWED YOUTH FOR PHILADELPHIA.' 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PAGE 



Old Philadelphia Reaching Out to the Country . . . Frontispiece. ^ 

Spanish Galleons 26 

Type of William Penn's Ship Welcome 26 

James Claypoole 27 

Mary Chambers Claypoole 27 

The Duel Between Blackbeard and Maynard 36 

The Home in England from which James Claypoole Came 36 

Penn's Treaty with the Indians 37 

Receipt for Payment for Land, Given by the Indians to Thomas 

and Richard Penn 50 

William Hudson's Clock 51 

William Penn's Desk and Benjamin Franklin's Clock 51 

An Attractive View of Whitby Hall 58 

William Penn's Silver Tea SER\^CE 59 

The Old Sideboard 64 

A Corner of an Old Dining Room 65 

Draft of Upper Ferry, Schuylkill River 65 

Plan of the City of Philadelphia 70 

The Southeast Prospect of the City of Philadelphia 71 

Sir William Keith 84 

Hannah Callowhill Penn 84 

Stairway at 247 South Sixth Street 85 

A Bit of the Old Lantern, Camac House, 320 South Third Street 85 

Krider's Gun Store 96 

239 Pine Street 96 

Currency of the Province of Pennsylvanl\, 1759 97 

Stephen Gihard at His Desk 97 

Roberts's Mill 102 

High Street Market 102 

13 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

A Bit of Old Philadelphia (Camac Street, "the Little Street 

OF Cltjes") 103 

The Quaker Meeting 118 

Robert Morris 119 

Mrs. Robert Morris 119 

Soft Brocade Gown, 1685 128 

Martha Washington, Wearing the Cap Called "The Queen's 

Night Cap" 128 

Bishop William White 129 

President Washington's Coach 129 

Doctor Benjamin Rush 156 

Esther Ducnfe 136' 

A Wedding Gown, a Gown of 1760, a Suit of Velvet, a Watteau 

Gown 137 

Empire Gown 137 

In an Old Kitchen 140 

State House, with a View of Chestnut Street 141 

Diligent Fire Engine 141 

David James Dove, Schoolmaster 156 

Robert Proud, Schoolmaster 156 

Girl's Red Stuff Gown, 1730; Print Gown of 1710; White Damask 
Linen Gown of 1720; Suit of Blue Silk, 1740; Brown Velvet 

Suit, 1760 157 

Brown Velvet Suit of 1760; Buff Printed Cambric Dress, About 
1760; Sheer Muslin Gown, About 1790; Cloak, Muff and Hat 

After Sir Joshua Reynolds, 1780; Muslin Gown of 1790 157 

Timothy Matl.ack, Schoolmaster 166 

Bench and Table Used by Christopher Dock, in His School in 
Germantown 166 

Alexander Wilson 167 

James Wilson, Teacher of Latin and Signer of the Declaration. 167 

The Children of Thomas and Juliana Penn 174 

Sweetbbier, the Home of Samuel Breck 175 

Profiles Cut by Major Andr^ 180 

The Calash 181 

14 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

Weather Vane A^^) Scarecrow at Chaimplost 181 '' 

Rev. George Duitield, D.D 184 ►' 

Chain Used During Service to Protect Old Pine Street Church 

FROM Street Traffic 184 ■ 

The Communion Service which Queen Anne Presented to Christ 
Church, 1708 185 

Aech Street, With the Second Presbyterian Chuech 185 

Gloria Dei Church 192 

Interior of Old St. David's Church 192 

Original Gable Window in Old Pdste Street Church 193 

Interior of St. Peter's Protestant Episcopal Church 193 

The Quaker Wedding 202 

Juliana Penn 203 

Margaret (Peggy) Shippen 212 

Colonial Wedding Gown; Crimson Brocade of 1752; Green Gown 

OVER Satin Hooped Petticoat; Back View of Same 212 

Four Old-time Pennsylvania Worthies: John Pemberton, 

James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, John Parrish 213 

William Hamilton of "The Woodlands" and His Niece 230 

Mrs. Benedict Arnold and Her Daughter 231 

General Cadwalader, Wife and Child 231 

Benjamin Franklin 244 

Mrs. Benjamin Franklin 244 

In Old Clinton Street, Between Ninth and Tenth, Looking 

East 245 

Stage Coach Advertisements 252 

Bridge Over the Pennypack 253 

Model of John Fitch's Steam Engine 260 

Plan of John Fitch's Steamboat 260 

John Fitch's Steamboat, 1786 261 

Robert Fulton's Double Inclint;d Plane for Canals 264 

To the Delaware Pilots 265 

In Mourning Because of the Stamp Act 272 

Sarah Franklin Bache 272 

The Liberty Bell 273 

The Desk of the Declaration 278 

15 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

The Congress Voting Independence 279 

In Independence Hall 282 

Looking Toward the Liberty Bell, Independence Hall 283 

The Plantation, Pemberton's 288 

Ticket for the Meschianza T 288 

Mt. Pleasant, East Front, the Home of Benedict Arnold 289 

American Uniforms in the Revolutionary War 294 

George Washington at Valley Forge 295 

The Declaration Inkstand 295 

Signing of the Constitution of the United States 300 

Congress Hall and the New Theatre 310^ 

The House Intended for the President of the United States. . 310 

Doorway of 244 South Eighth Street 311 

The Old Pump at the Chew House, Germantown 311 

William Cobbett, the Editor of "Peter Porcupine" 318 

Robert Morris's Unfinished House 319 



The clock shown in cover design was owned 

by Thomas Jefferson and is now in the 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Adams, J., Letters to Boston, 1841. 

Adams, John, Letters of, addressed to 

his Wife Edited by C. F, Adams, Boston, 1841. 

Adams, Mrs. (Abigail A.), Letters of. .Boston, 1840. 

Assemblies, The Philadelphia Thomas Willing Balch, Philadelphia, 

1916. 
Breck, Samuel, Recollections of Edited by Horace E. Scudder, Phila- 
delphia, 1877. 
Canal Na\'igation, Treatise on the 

Improvement of By Robert Fulton, London, 1796. 

(Copy presented to George Washington, with autograph and supplementary 
chapter by the author.) 

Chalkley, Thomas, Journal of Philadelphia, 1749. 

Chronicles of Pennsylvania, 1688-1748 Charles P. Keith, Philadelphia, 1917. 
Chastellux, Marquis de. Travels in 

North America New York, 1827. 

Claypoole Family, Genealogy of By Rebecca L^n Graff, Philadel- 
phia, 1893. 
Collections of the Historical Society of 

Pennsylvania Philadelphia, 1853. 

Dock, Christopher, Life and W'ork of. .By Martin G. BrumbaHigh, Phila- 
delphia, 1908. 
Drinker, Elizabeth, Extracts from the 

Journal of, from 1759 to 1807 Edited by Henry D. Biddle, Phila- 

delpliia, 1887. 
Education in Pennsylvama,Historyof . By James Page Wickersham, Lan- 
caster, 1886. 
Eve, Sarah, Extracts from the Journal 

of, 1772-1773 Philadelphia, 1881. 

Excursion to the United States of 
North America in the Summer of 

1794 By Henry Wansey, Salisbury, 1798. 

First Baptist Church of Philadelphia, 

History of the By William Keen, Philadelphia, 1899. 

Fitch, John, Life of By Charies Whittlesey, in Sparks 

Library of American Biography, 
Boston, 1845, 
Fitch, John, Map of the North West 

Parts of the United States Philadelphia, 1786 (?). 

17 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Franklin, Benjamin, Letters to, from 

his Family and Friends New York, 1859. 

Franklin, Benjamin, Works of Edited by Jared Sparks, Boston, 

1836-1844. 
Fulton, Robert, Life of By J. Franklin Reigart, Philadel- 
phia, 1856. 
Glrard, Stephen, Life and Times of . .By John Bach McMaster, Philadel- 
phia, 1918. 
Graydon, Alexander, Memoirs of His 

Own Times Harrisburg, 1811. 

Hiltzheimer, Jacob, Extracts from the 

Diary of Edited by Jacob Cox Parsons, Phila- 
delphia, 1893. 
Justice to the Memory of John Fitch. . By Charles Whittlesey, Cincinnati, 

1845. 

Latrobe, (B. H.), Journal of By Benjamin Henry Latrobe, New 

York, 1905. 

Latrobe, John H. B By John F. Semmes, Baltimore, 1917. 

Memoirs of an Unfortunate Young 

Nobleman By James Annesley, London, 1743. 

Museum, The American, Volumes from 

1795 to 1798 Philadelphia. 

News of a Trumpet Sounding in the 

Wilderness By William Bradford, New York, 1976. 

Old Pine Street, History of By H. O. Gibbons, Philadelphia, 1905. 

Origin of Steamboats, Short Account 

of the By W. Thornton, Albany, 1818 

Original Steamboat Supported, The. .Philadelphia, 1788. 
Pennsylvania Colonial Cases, Prior to 

1700 By Samuel W. Pennypacker, Phila- 
delphia, 1892. 
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and 

Biography, Volumes 1-41 Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia Magazines and their Con- 
tributors By A. H. Smythe, Philadelphia, 1892. 

Philadelphia, 1681-1887 By Edward P. Allinson and Boies P. 

Penrose, Philadelphia, 1887. 
Philadelphia, The, or New Pictures of 

the City Philadelphia, 1784. 

Warder, Ann, Extracts from the Diarj' 

of, 1786-1788 Edited by Sarah Cadbury, Philadel- 
phia, 189-i. 

Voyages and Adventures By Capt. Robert Boyle, Wigan, 1786. 

18 



THE ROMANCE OF 

OLD PHILADELPHIA 

I 

FACING THE STORSIY ATLANTIC 

The Sublime Courage of the Pioneers — "Neither House Nor Shel- 
ter" — A "TuNN of Goods" — Captured by a Privateer — A Mar- 
riageable Young Man — Selling Their Time to Pat Their Passage 
— Squalls and Privateers and an Unexpected Deliverance — 
The Rat and the Waterspout — Famlne on Shipboard — "Those 
Were Great Dats" 

THEY were sturdy heroes, those men and women 
who left home and friends in"Merrie England" 
to seek they knew not what in the distant lands 
which had been placed under WilHam Penn's control. 
Possibly some of them were visionaries who did not 
count the cost, but most of them were people of prac- 
tical common sense who realized what the breaking of 
home ties meant. Though they did not know exactly 
what was before them, they did know that they could 
not expect to see again their friends and loved ones 
in the home land; they had heard enough of the terrors 
of a long ocean voyage to understand that there were 
before them weeks, perhaps months, of tossing in what 
seems to us a mere toy of a boat; they Ivuew that there 
were some who had set out on the long voyage who 
had never reached their destination; they knew that 
in the land they sought there were savages who had 
slain hundreds of emigrants from England; they under- 

19 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

stood well that when they reached the distant shores 
they would have to live for perhaps a year or two in a 
makeshift hut with only the barest necessities. 

But they did not hesitate, for theirs was the high 
courage that was willing to face the unknown for the 
sake of what the future might bring to them and to 
their children, and for the sake of the part they might 
have in carving out a new state that would make life 
brighter for those who were to come after them. 

Theirs was the courage of the pioneer who has been 
characterized by sturdy faith from the days of Abraham, 
who "went out, not knowing whither he went," to the 
days of Christopher Columbus and Hendrick Hudson 
and John Winthrop and William Penn — the faith that 
enabled them not only to brave the Atlantic, but also 
to keep sweet while they faced the dark forests, swam 
swollen rivers or trudged over leagues of uncharted 
country where Indians might be lurking at every step. 

Their courage was not less because they could know 
little of these things, and therefore went blindly ahead. 
There was something sublime in their readiness to 
drive into the unloiown, and to go not as those who 
were under compulsion to do something they did not 
wish to do, but willingly, eagerly, devotedly. 

It was in this spirit that Thomas Sion Evan, an 
emigrant of 1682, came to Pennsylvania. On a day 
in July, 1681, he was attending St. Peter's Fair at 
Bala, Wales. He had left his comfortable farm home 
with no thought but of mingling at the fair with ac- 
quaintances and friends, as he had done many times 
before, and of returning home in the evening prepared 
to take up once more his accustomed duties. 
20 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

But one of those to whom he talked that day had 
something to tell him that was to change the course 
of his whole life. This friend talked of a far-away 
land which he called Pennsylvania — a fair land, well 
watered, well wooded, where flowers bloomed freely 
and abundant crops were to be had for little labor. 
He was assured that there was room in that land for 
anyone who would cross the Atlantic. 

These things took hold of Evan's imagination. He 
thought how fine it would be to trade his Welsh home 
for the splendors of the wooded lands by the Delaware. 
Evidently he was a bold spirit, for his mind was soon 
made up : he w^ould go himself to that far-away country 
and see for himself if the things of which he had been 
told were so. 

With a promptness more characteristic of the 
twentieth century than the seventeenth century he put 
aside all the discouraging arguments of friends and 
relatives, and within three weeks he was on his way to 
London where he planned to take passage for America. 
But in the city by the Thames his impatient spirit 
was checked. Though he searched the waterfront, he 
could find no vessel bound for Pennsylvania. For 
weeks he waited, filling up the time as best he could 
by making inquiries concerning the land of his 
dreams. He was compelled to be satisfied with very 
meagre information, since William Penn had not then 
arranged for the publicity material that later led 
hundreds and thousands of others to follow in Evan's 
footsteps. 

At length, after three months' delay, the eager 
Welshman was able to stow his possessions and himself 

21 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

in a small ship whose captain assured him that the 
voyage would not be too great an adventure. 

But the emigrant soon learned the uncertainties of 
ocean travel. After a stormy passage he was in sight 
of the Delaware when adverse winds and boisterous 
waves drove them out to sea. The sails were torn and 
the rudder was injured. Reluctantly the captain 
turned his back on the promised land and made his 
way to Barbadoes. There three weeks were spent in 
refitting the ship. 

The second attempt was successful; the Delaware 
was entered on April 16, 1682. The voyage of thirty 
weeks had given Evan ample time to learn to speak 
and read English tolerably well. 

Eagerly the passengers looked for a town on the 
banks of the Delaware, but when they reached the 
site of the present city of Philadelphia they found 
"neither house nor shelter," nothing but the wild 
woods. Nor was there anyone to welcome them. "A 
poor lookout this, for persons who had been so long 
at sea, many of whom had spent their little all," Evan's 
son John wrote to a friend in 1708. 

But the Welsh settler had neither time nor inclina- 
tion to repine. In the spirit of the true pioneer he 
left the ship which had been his home for so long and 
began to carve out the home on the banks of the Dela- 
ware of which he had been dreaming since the day at 
the Bala fair, more than nine months before. And 
soon he was able to write to his stay-at-home neighbors 
an account of his experiences that must have helped 
some of them to follow in his steps. 

By this time, however, Penn had prepared a pam- 

22 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

phlet of "Information and Direction to Such Persons 
as are Inclined to America." This was written in a 
convincing, personal manner. It began: 

"Say I have 100£ sterl. If I am but six in Family, 
I will pay my Passage with the advance upon my 
Money, and find my hundred pounds good in the Coun- 
try at last. Upon Goods, well bought and sorted, there 
is more profit: but some Money is very requisite for 
Trade sake." 

An estimate was made of the expense of transporting 
an ordinary family. For the husband, his wife and 
two men servants, twenty pounds would be required. 
A ten-year-old child would pay half as much as an 
adult. Each passenger would be entitled to a chest, 
but a "Tunn of Goods" additional would be required, 
and for these the freight charge would be two pounds. 
The ship's doctor would cost 2 shillings 6 pence per 
person. Four gallons of brandy and 'twenty-four 
pounds of sugar would be needed for the voyage, and 
these supplies would cost one pound. The next im- 
portant item. 5n the equipment was put down thus: 
"For Cloaths for my Servants, each 6 Shirts, 2 
Waist-coats, a Summer and a Winter Shute, one 
Hat, 2 pair of Shoes, Stokins and Drawyers, twelve 
pounds." 

In arranging for supplies to be included in the 
"Tunn of Goods," advice was given not to forget 
Building Material, Householdstuff, Husbandry, Fowl- 
ing and Fishing, English. Woollen, and German Linnen, 
Broad-Clothes Kereseys, Searges, Norwich-Stuffs, Duf- 
fels, Cottons, White and Blew Ozenburgs, Shoes, and 
Stockins, Buttons, Silk, Thread, Iron ware, especially 

23 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Axes, Indian Hows, Saws, Drawing Knives, Nailes, 
Powder and Lead. 

In a later document the Proprietor argued the 
advantages of sailing so as to reach Pennsylvania in 
the spring or the fall, "for the Summer may be of the 
hottest, for fresh Commers, and in the Winter the 
wind that prevails, is the North West, and that blows 
off the Coast, so that sometimes it is difficult to enter 
the Capes." 

The length of the passage was put down as between 
six and nine weeks, though the honest statement was 
made that "the passage is not to be set by any man; 
for ships will be quicker and slower, some have been 
four moneths, and some but one, and as often." During 
one year twenty-four ships made the voyage, and only 
three of these required more than nine weeks for the 
trip, while one or two consumed less than six weeks. 

Passengers were urged to spend as much time as 
possible on deck, "for the Air helps against the offensive 
smells of a Crowd, and a close place." Advice was 
given to carry store of Rue and Wormwood and some 
Rosemary. Vinegar and Pitch were to be used as 
disinfectants. 

The modern promoter could learn from the closing 
word of advice to the emigrants to "be moderate in 
Expectation," to "count on Labour before a Crop, and 
Cost before Gain," that thus they might be ready to 
"endure difficulties, if they come, and bear the Success 
as well as find the Comfort, that usually follows such 
considerate undertakings." 

Possibly some were deterred from making the ven- 
ture by the appeal to be neither "Hasty" nor "Pre- 
24 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

sumptuous." "The even humble Temper will best 
endure the Change either way," was the assurance. 
"A Wilderness must want some things improv'd 
Countries enjoy, but Time and Labour will reprize, 
where Industry sooner makes an Inheritance. And 
tho we have not the Ornaments of Life, we want not 
the Conveniences; and if their Cost were put in Ballance 
with their Benefit, the World would be greatly debtor 
on Account." 

Perhaps some of this information was available for 
the forty friends of John Ap Thomas who planned to 
go with him to Pennsylvania in 1682. But Thomas' 
health was poor. At first the company thought of 
waiting for him and his family, but he urged them to 
go without him, promising to follow as soon as possible. 
So they took passage in August, 1682, on the ship Lyon, 
taking with them some of Thomas' household goods. 
One of the advance company was Edd Jones, who 
wrote to the sick man an interesting account of the 
voyage: 

"This shall lett thee know that we have been abord 
eleaven weeks before we made the land (it was not for 
want of art but contrary winds) and one we were in 
coming to Upland, ye town is to be buylded 15 or 16 
miles miles up ye River. And in all this time we wanted 
neither meate, drink or water though several hogsheds 
of water run out. Our ordinary allowance of beere was 
3 pints a day for each whole head and a quart of water; 
3 biskedd a day & some times more. We laid in about 
half hundred of biskedd, one barrell of beere, one hogs- 
hed of water — the quantity for each whole head, & 3 
barrels of beefe for the whole number — 40 — and we had 
one to come ashoare. A great many could eat little or 
no beefe though it was good. Butter and chesse eats 

25 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

well upon ye sea. Ye remainder of our cheese & butter 
is little or no worster; butter & cheese is at 6^ per lb. 
here if not more. We have oatmeal to spare, but it is 
well, yt we have it, for here is little or no corn till they 
begin to sow their com." 

Of the forty who set out on the voyage one only, a 
child, died. This fact led Jones to add: 

"Let no friends tell that they are either too old or 
too young, for the Lord is suflScient to preserve both 
to the uttermost. Here is an old man about 80 years 
of age; he is rather better yn when he sett out, likewise 
here are young babes doing very well considering sea 
diet." 

John Ap Thomas did not live to reach Pennsylvania. 
But his family made their mark in the new land. An 
interesting record has been left by his son, Thomas 
Ap John (the father's name reversed, or Thomas Jones, 
as he wrote it in America) in the shape of a letter which 
he wrote in 1709 to his cousin in Wales. In this he 
told of difficulties worse than storms which, were ex- 
perienced by Owen Roberts and his company, friends 
of his, on the way to America. 

"They were taken [by the French] . . . within a 
few days' sail (less than a week) good wind, of the 
Capes or mouth of the Delaware, being all alive and 
pretty well and hearty, and were carried by them, some 
to Martinico, and the rest to Guardalupa, islands 
belonging to the French. And so from thence to Mon- 
sterat and Antigo, islands belonging to_ the English, 
and so from thence here, where they arrived at Phila- 
delphia about ye 7th of 8th month last, excepting nine 
of the servants that were pressed on board a ship (or 
man of war) at Monsterat." 

The delays and dangers of some of those who made 
26 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

the venture to America In 1682 did not discourage other 
adventurous home-seekers. From London James Clay- 
poole wrote in 1682 that he was thinking seriously of 
removing with his family to Pennsylvania, and that 
he was trying to arrange his "busyness" so as to leave 
in the spring of 1683. "I have 100 acres where our 
Capitall City is to be upon ye River near Schoolkill 
and Peter Cooks," he wrote. "There I intend to plan 
& build my first house . . . We are in treaty for a 
good vessel to carry us. I am in Treaty w*^' one Jeffries 
Mr. of a shipp of 500 Tunn, w'^^ will require 2 mos. 
time to gett ready in." Though Jeffries had not yet 
made a voyage to the Delaware he had been several 
times to Virginia, and Claypoole felt confident he 
would be able to take passengers and goods safely. 
There would be room for "80 Passingirs and 50 Ton of 
goods," so the anxious man, hoping to secure the load 
as soon as possible, recommended him highly to any 
friends in Ireland who had "a purpose of going to 
Pennsylvania or New Jarsy." He assured intending 
passengers that late news from Pennsylvania was good, 
and he offered to write to any who might apply for 
information. He would be ready to tell how the country 
on the Delaware was "liked for Pleasantness." 

At length the complement of passengers and freight 
was made up and Claypoole began his voyage to 
America. Late in 1683 he wrote from Philadelphia 
the assurance that all had gone well: 

"We went on board the Concord at Gravesend the 
24 5 mo. and after we lost sight of England w^^ was in 
about 3 weeks time, we were 49 days before we saw 
land in America, and the 18 mo. some of us went ashore 

27 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

in Pennsylvania: the blesing of the Lord did attend 
us so that we had a verry comfortable passage, and 
had our health all the way." 

Another of the venturesome. 'pilgrims of 1683 was 
William Hudson, Junior, a young man of twenty-one. 
When he learned of the advantages of Penn's Planta- 
tion he asked his father's approval of the journey. The 
father was not only glad to give his permission, but 
he added capital to the sum the young man had in- 
herited from his mother. 

In company with James Marshall, of York, and 
others, Hudson set out for Philadelphia, and when he 
landed he made haste to file for record the following 
curious record: 

"James Marshall and Rachell his wife are now 
determined, through God's assistance, to Transport 
themselves w**" their family into ye Province of Pensil- 
vania in America, as also Will™ Hudson, ye younger of 
ye said Citty of W"^ they have acquainted Many ffriends 
. . . and further, toucliing the aforesaid W™ Hudson, 
he being in an unmarried state, we know nothing but 
that he is clear from all p'sons w*soever, in relation to 
marriage. And if it shall please God y* he shall find 
Inclination in himself to alter his state with respect to 
Marry in Amerrica, his ffather hath freely given him 
up to the exercise of Truth in his own Spirit w*^ the 
advice and satisfaction of the Church of God there. 
In relation thereunto." 

Five years after the arrival of young Hudson in 
Pennsylvania he took advantage of his father's per- 
mission and married Mary, daughter of Samuel 
Richardson, Provisional Councillor, and a justice, one 
of the most prominent of the settlers. 
28 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

Not long after William Hudson began his voyage 
in search of a wife John Chapman and his family closed 
the doors of the farmhouse in Yorkshire where they 
had lived joyfully together and went to New Castle 
upon the river Tyne. There they embarked for 
America. 

A few weeks after the beginning of the voyage "they 
had a mighty Storm which blew so tempestuously that 
in short it carried away" much of the rigging. "It 
likewise took their awnings above the Quarter Deck 
and left not as much as a Yard of rope above their 
heads. All which was done in the space of half an 
hour and they lay thus distressed by a pitfull wreck 
all that night (they having lost their Masts about 
12 "Clock in the Day)." 

Two days later they were lying "without hopes of 
recovery, being then about 200 Leagues from the Land 
of America but through God's mercy they Got in 
Sight of the Capes of Virginia." 

The time from Aberdeen to the Capes was about 
nine weeks. The remainder of the voyage was without 
special event. 

George Haworth was not so fortunate when he set 
out from Liverpool in 1699. After he had recovered 
from the effects of his fourteen week's voyage, he wrote 
to members of his family in Yorkshire: 

"A long and tedious journey we had, for we being 
over many throng'd in the Ship, I believe hurt many, 
for we had many distempers among us, as Fever, Flux 
and Jaundice, and many died at Sea about 56 and at 
Shore there died about 20." 

One of the dying passengers asked that his goods be 

29 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

returned to kindred at Liverpool. The writer's sister 
did not live to reach land, and she left her household 
goods to a sister who was also among the passengers. 

These trying experiences did not lead Haworth to 
urge kindred at home not to follow him, though he took 
opportunity to warn them to be careful not to come 
*'too many in the Ship as we did." Then he added 
that the crowding in the hot weather of midsummer 
increased the mortality and made provisions short. 
*'We wanted Water and Beer to drink," he wrote, "for 
having salt Beef, we were much athirst . . . the 
seamen stowed the Hold so full of Goods that they had 
not room for Water and Beer. But if any come, let 
them bring for themselves over and besides the Ships 
allowance Spices and Brandy and Cheese let the Sea- 
men pretend what they will; or else victual themselves 
and bargain for being carried over and goods and then 
bring for yourselves but a little Beef and some bacon, 
and wheat floiu* is very good." 

Two years later, in the light of experience gained 
in the new country, Haworth wrote: 

"Be sure to come free, but if you come servants, 
they must be sold for 4 or 5 years and work hard." 

Evidently he had been in touch with many who, 
unable to pay their passage, had engaged to the captain 
to sell their services on landing. To have to work four 
or five years in return for the advance of five pounds 
of passage money would seem a hardship; but there 
were hundreds and, later, thousands who made their 
beginning in the new land thus. 

This would seem an especially bad bargain to those 
30 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

whose passage was as hard as that of Abel Morgan, a 
Baptist minister who sailed from Bristol with his 
family on Jmie 28, 1711. At once after leaving port 
they were compelled to put back to Milford Haven, 
and three weeks passed before they could resume the 
voyage. Then they were driven by a storm to Cork, 
Ireland. Here they remained five weeks. At last they 
started on the voyage for the third time. In December 
Mrs. Morgan died, as well as her little son. Not until 
February 12, 1712, was the voyage completed. But in 
a letter to his old congregation in Wales, Morgan had 
no word of complaint to offer, but said, merely, "The 
will of God must be done." The passengers were 
hungry, "but all this is ended, and we arrived in the 
land of bread," was the message. 

Samuel Sansom had a trying experience in 1732. 
On September 9 he set sail from England on the ship 
John. There were many tempests during the voyage, 
but the worst of these came on November 13, when the 
vessel was within sight of land. The passenger whose 
account of the hazards of the voyage is still treasured 
by his descendants, said: 

"We were beat off the coast by a terrible N. W. 
wind, . . . On the ninth of December about eleven 
O'clock in the forenoon, we made the Capes, and got 
in good anchoring ground. The next business was to 
get a Pilot. For which purpose our Captain sent his 
boat with Samuel NeaveS Anthony Duche, and Robert 
Best, passengers, and three sailors. The wind blew 
fresh when they went off, and in the evening blew hard, 

1 Samuel Neave was for more than twenty-five years a prominent 
merchant of Philadelphia. He was one of the signers of the Non-Import- 
ation Agreement. 

31 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

so we could not expect them that night; but the next 
morning being pretty still we fully expected them, 
with a pilot; not knowing that the Creek they were to 
go over was frozen so hard occasioned their stay. So 
we lay four days in expectation of a pilot, but none 
came off to us, nor was there but one in the place, and 
he was engaged to another ship." 

For this reason the captain thought it best to accept 
the offer made by a passing ship captain of his boat- 
swain, who, he said, could serve as a pilot, since he had 
made two trips up the Delaware to Philadelphia. 

"Orders were given to weigh anchor and make sail 
directly, our sails were set, our top-sails unreefed, and 
away we went at the rate of ten miles or knots an hour," 
the account continued. "The tide being strong drew 
us very fast ... we had not sailed above 7 or 8 
leagues before we found to our very great surprise our 
ship fast aground, . . . everybody was very eager to 
save their lives which we had no hopes of but our long 
boat . . . everybody being willing to save some 
clothes, as well as their lives, the captain himself 
setting an example, he permitted every person to put 
in a bundle, which was no sooner done but the women, 
and those that could not so readily help themselves, 
were ordered to get in first . . . before the boat was 
hoisted along side it was almost half full of bundles, 
and seven people went in, but . . . she went down 
headforemost, and stood right on end. The water 
flowed in immediately and the boat stove along side. 
Seven people went in, but four came up alive, and one 
of the four died presently after." 

The boat being lost, the remainder of the ship's 

company had to depend on the "cracked ship" for 

safety. So they did their best to lighten ship, throwing 

overboard about twenty tons of ballast. The main- 

32 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

mast, too, was out away. But it was still impossible 
to free the vessel from the shoal. In despair, a lookout 
was kept for ships. No less than six approached. Dis- 
tress signals were made, but "they would take no 
notice of us," the author of the accoimt wrote sorrow- 
fully. Then he went on: 

"We contrived at last to make a little boat, though 
we had no tools fit for it, for the carpenter's tools were 
lost in the long-boat; however, they nailed a few boards 
together, and three people were appointed to go in it — 
two sailors and a clergyman, who went purely to serve 
the company and to get relief with a letter from our 
captain of my writing. These poor creatures were 
twenty-two hours upon the open sea, in this small 
thing, and the weather being excessive cold froze the 
sailors' legs to the boat, and the clergyman, who was 
not used to such hardships, was froze to death soon 
after he got to shore. ... I with many more, 
although our number was now reduced, was five days 
and nights on a wreck in the coldest time in the hard 
winter, which has been so severe that the inhabitants 
here say they scarcely ever saw the like, and to be in a 
cold wrecked ship in the open sea surely it was the 
greatest of mercies we perished not with cold. 

"On the sixth day of our calamities, when we had 
given over all thoughts of being saved, ... a sloop 
came into the bay, which the inhabitants of Lewes- 
town forced to come and save us." 

The survivors were landed at Lewestown, where 
they remained twelve days. At the end of that time 
"Nath^ Palmer, starch maker, in Philadelphia," helped 
Mr. Neave and the annalist to reach the city where he 
lived, promising to care for them in his house. 

"It may not be amiss to give thee some account of 

33 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

our travel by land," the story went on. "Lewestown 
is 150 or as some say 160 miles from this place. So N. 
Palmer bought S. Neave & I each a horse to ride to 
this town, which we accomplished in three days, and 
about three hours, which was very hard traveling 
indeed, being short days, and the roads deep with snow, 
and through woods that for a. great many miles we 
could see no house." 

Ten years after Samuel Sansom's experience there 
was begun the adventurous voyage of the first Moravian 
colony, which came to Philadelphia in 1742, on the 
way to make settlement on the estate of the Church 
in Pennsylvania. The party set sail in the "skow" 
Catharine, which had been bought by Bishop Spangen- 
burg for 600 pounds. The Bishop's experience in 
fitting out the Georgia Moravian colony, some time 
before, assured those who were following his guidance 
that their comfort would be well provided for. But 
they were doomed to disappointment, for the voyage 
to America brought them many trials. 

First the single men took up their confined quarters 
in the Catharine. After a few days the married couples 
and the English colonists followed them. In all there 
were fifty-six passengers on board, as well as the cap- 
tarn, the mate and six sailors. There was much anxiety, 
for they knew that not only would they have to brave 
the perils of the Atlantic at a stormy time of the year, 
but that they ran grave risk of capture by men-of-war 
of France and Spain, with which countries England 
was at war. But the passengers were ready to face 
any necessary danger because of their desire to make 
their way to Philadelphia and beyond. Courage was 
renewed when Bishop Spangenburg boarded the vessel 
34 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

at Gravesend and commended the little company to 
God's protection. 

John Philip Meurer, one of the pilgrims, told in 
his journal of the events of the weeks that followed. 
Graphically he spoke of the momitainous waves of the 
Bay of Biscay which caught the little bark and tossed 
it up and down like a nutshell. Of course nearly every- 
body was seasick. Later, when a sudden squall struck 
the Catharine, the sails and the tackling became en- 
tangled. Many of the colonists assisted the sailors at 
the ropes. The captain was surprised and delighted 
at the calmness and courage of his passengers. 

Twelve days after England had been left behind, a 
mysterious vessel was discovered standing directly 
towards the Catharine. But suddenly there was a 
calm, and both vessels became motionless. Darkness 
fell before the wind rose. During the night the vessels 
drifted apart. Next day, when the Catharine entered 
the port of Fuhchal, Madeira, the captain learned that 
the stranger which they had so providentially escaped 
was a Spanish privateer. 

But a still narrower escape was to follow. One day 
a privateer approached and it was felt that capture 
was inevitable. This would mean spoliation at least, 
perhaps even death. The Catharine was unarmed, so 
resistance was out of the question. When the vessels 
were so close that all that took place on one could be 
observed plainly on the other, the captain ordered all 
male passengers on deck and stationed them so that 
sails could be lowered in an instant when the demand 
for surrender should come. For some reason the 
demand did not come. The Spaniard did not fire a 

35 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

single shot; evidently the preparations on board the 
Catharine were misunderstood. At length the vessels 
began to draw apart, and in half an hour the enemy 
was far astern. 

The hazards of the voyage were not yet over. When 
almost within sight of Philadelphia, the watchman one 
night accidentally disarranged the windlass. The 
anchor cable began to unwind and the vessel threatened 
to go ashore. Prompt action by the captain, the crew 
and the passengers averted the danger, and the voyage 
was continued to the Schuylkill. 

Four years later an emigrant who arrived in the 
Delaware after an uneventful voyage on the John 
Galley, found that the hardest part of the journey was 
to come. It was December 22 when Cape Henlopen 
appeared. The Delaware was closed by ice. After a 
week the sturdy homeseeker left the vessel in a boat, 
which landed with difficulty one mile below Lewes. 
The snow was deep, and the town was reached only 
after a hard struggle. There a horse and sled were 
bought and the last stage of the journey to Philadelphia 
was begun. On December 30 it was possible to make 
but fourteen miles through the deep snow. At the 
house of the settler where refuge was found that night, 
a second horse was bought. But by the next day the 
snow had become so much deeper that, even with two 
horses, it was again impossible to make more than 
fourteen miles. The last night of the year was spent at 
what the traveler called with disgust *' a miserable inn." 

On New Year's Day, Dover, Delaware, was reached 
after many trials. In one of the twenty houses of the 
settlement the night was spent, and strength was 
36 




THE DUEL BETW KKX JiLM KHKAKD AM) MAVNARD 




THE HOME IN ENGLAND FROM WHICH JAMES CLAYPOOLE CAME 
(Claypoole Manor, Norborough, England) 




w >• 

PL.- 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

secured for the next day's struggle — nineteen miles 
through heavy drifts. Next day it proved impossible 
to do so well, for the thick crust of the snow cut the 
legs of the horses. 

To Wilmington the traveler came after two days 
more. There two extra horses were hired and it proved 
possible to push on to Chester for the last night out of 
Philadelphia. Finally, on January 6, eight days from 
Lewes, the emigrant completed his weary progress to 
the town which he had been seeking since September 27. 

Fortunately such tales of hardship did not deter 
others from following in the steps of the ardent pioneers 
who conquered the storms of both sea and shore in 
their eagerness to make a home in the wilderness. 
Each year there was an increasing number of emigrants 
until at length, long before the close of the first century 
of Philadelphia's history, the town of Penn's founding 
was the leading town of the colonies. 

One of the most picturesque accounts of an Atlantic 
voyage told by an emigrant came from the pen of John 
Henry Helffrich, who came to Pennsylvania in 1771-72. 

The first days out were so stormy that it was im- 
possible to make fire on the ship, and the captain cooked 
soup for a child "over candle light." The sailors "had 
to stand in water on the deck up to the calves of their 
legs." One morning a wave came through a window 
to a cabin of a passenger and he was nearly drowned 
in his bed . . . "The waves came rolling like moun- 
tains, now we were high up, now deep down, now lying 
on one side and then again on the other . . . Many 
chickens and ducks perished on deck because of the 
quantities of sea water there." 

37 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Other odd entries were made in Helffricli*s journal: 

"A rat tried to take the comforter away from the 
child, and, as it did not want to give it up, it was bitten 
on the finger. . . . The child screamed, the mother 
awoke and the rat ran off . . . All sails were taken 
in during a heavy downpour. We passengers helped 
to haul the sails in . . . Our terror was stUl more 
increased when the captain called to us to load our 
rifles . . . The danger was this, the water around us 
here and there was drawn up in the form of an arrow. 
When it falls, it comes down with such force that, if 
it hits a sliip, it breaks it to pieces, and even if it touches 
the ship but slightly it smashes the deck. It follows 
the ships. The English call it a water spout . . . 
The only means to scatter the rising water is to break 
it up by shooting." 

Soon famine was added to the difficulties of the 
voyagers : 

"For eight days we have had no beef, nothing but 
some sides of bacon and peas. All the flour, which we 
intended to save up, has been spoiled by the rats. 
What will become of us. But God will help us . . . 
This afternoon we caught the first fish with the lines. 
It was a dolpliin, weighing between 40 and 50 pounds 
. . . This afternoon we saw for over an hour, as far 
as the eye could reach, everywhere full of fish, now they 
showed their heads, now their backs above water. They 
were the kind that eat up people. The Enghsh call 
them porpoises . . . This morning they began dolmg 
out the water. Everyone, passenger as well^ as sailor, 
gets daily about two and a half pints. Of this he must 
again give up some for tea and soup. In the forenoon 
each passenger gets a little glass of wine . . . We 
have only a small supply of peas. We get them twice 
a week with bacon. Then we have yet four hams and 
some pickled beef. Occasionally cold beef, cut into 
small pieces, together with biscuit and water are cooked 

3S 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

into a soup . . . We are already suffering hunger and 
thirst . . . This morning our last hog was washed 
overboard." 

At length, on January 14, 1772, the three months* 
voyage ended and the hungry, storm-tossed passengers 
ate heartily and rested in comfort among the hospitable 
people of Philadelphia. 

Most of those who were called upon to endure such 
privations as these were sustained by the hope that 
they were about to better their fortunes. There were 
some, however, for whom the end of the voyage must 
be the beginning of servitude; for a period of three, 
four or five years they were to be at the direction of 
some master who would advance the cost of their 
transportation. But probably there was not among 
these redemptioners, as they were called, a heavier 
heart than that of Richard Annesley, whose story gave 
Charles Reade the foundation for his novel, "The 
Wandering Heir." Annesley was spirited away from 
his English home in 1728, and was carried to the Dela- 
ware, where he was sold to a master who made good 
his passage money. The story of the journey and the 
later experiences was told in the curious volume, 
"Memoirs of an Unfortunate Young Nobleman," 
published in London in 1743. In this book Annesley 
told his adventure in the third person, under the name 
of Baron de Altamont. UnknowTi to himself, his father 
had died, and a scheming uncle carried him aboard 
a ship bound for America, informing him that the cap- 
tain would take him to school. The knowledge that 
he was not to be a pampered passenger but a servant 
came to him with a great shock. The story is told thus : 

39 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"The Hurricane, which had continued Near three 
Hours, being ceased, and the Waves resuming a More 
smiling Face, a Cloth was spread in the Captain's 
Cabbin for him to take some Refreshment after the 
late Fatigue. . . . The Chevalier James, who had 
been there during the Storm, was going to sit down at 
the Table. 'Hold, youngster,' cried one of the rough 
Tarpaulins, pulling him away, 'Do you think you are 
to be a Mess-mate with the Captain?' 'The Boy 
. . . will laiow his Distance better hereafter,' the 
Captain said . . . The Chevalier . . . now began 
to mutter, and say, that as soon as he got out of the 
Ship, he would send his Father an account how they 
used him . . . Then, the unhappy Youth became 
acquainted with the Treachery of his inhuman Uncle, 
and that instead of being made an accomplished Noble- 
man, he was going to the worst kind of Servitude." 

The captain began to fear that the unfortunate 
young man would throw himself overboard or would 
starve himself. That the passage money, to be secured 
from the purchaser of the services of Annesley, might 
not be lost, the captain did his best to calm his troubled 
mind, assuring him that there was nothing so terrifying 
in the name of slave, after all, for this was only another 
name for an apprentice, and many noblemen's sons 
were apprenticed. 

But when land was reached Annesley's worst fears 
were realized. A master appeared, the first of many 
who made him toil for thirteen long years, or until a 
fortunate accident restored him to his English home 
and estate. 

But Annesley's case was exceptional. For most of 
the emigrants, even the redemptioners, the landing on 
Pennsylvania soil was the beginning of better things. 
40 



FACING THE STORMY ATLANTIC 

The perils of the passage across the Atlantic were 
forgotten, or were perhaps recalled with reminiscent 
pleasure during the long evenings after the work of 
the day was done, when neighbors gathered for gossip 
about the blazing hearth. " Rememberest that day of 
the storm when the mast was carried away? " one might 
ask. "And what of the time when they had to measure 
out the water and the meal?" another memory would 
follow, perhaps. So for an hour or two the days of the 
past would be lived over again, until the signal for 
breaking up would be given by one who would say, as 
he lifted back his chair, "Those were great days!" 



II 

HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

The House James Clatpoole Wanted — Dealing With Cave Houses 
That Became Public Nuisances — The Goods Paid for Three 
Hundred Square Miles of Land — Pioneer Hardships — A Thief 
and a Crowded House — The Luxury of Window Panes — What 
WAS Bought at the Vendue — Dinner-giving ^nd Dinner Manners 
— ^The Woes of Houbecleaning. 

^ ^ T IT EE arriving in health in ye Country I expect 

I — I he should enf upon my land, where ye first 

-*- -*- Citty is intended to be built. And there 

with the advise of Wm. Penn Docf Moor 

Tho: Holmes Ralph Withers and thyself e: I would have 

him to begin to build a house that may receive us." 

So ran the message sent in 168,2 by James Claypoole 
to John Goodson concerning Edward Cole, a workman 
who was about to sail from England to America in 
Goodson 's company. Claypoole, who was one of the 
wealthiest of the early emigrants, did not propose 
to reach the new country until a comfortable house 
had been provided for him. 

Cole was an indentured servant, bound to Claypoole 
for four years. His master described him as " an honest 
man," and said he was sent "to build me a slight 
house and plant an orchard and clear some ground 
with the help of a Carpenf that is going with another 
friend." He was not only a brick-maker, but he was 
skilled "in planting and husbandrie, an industrious 
solid man about 57 yeares old, and one called a Quaker." 

As to his own plans, Claypoole wrote, "If it pleases 
42 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

ye lord wee arrive there in the 2d or 3d month next." 
Then he went on to discuss details of the house he 
desired: "If it be but a sleight house like a barne 
with one floor of two Chambers: and will hold us and 
our goods and keep us from ye sun & weath"" it may 
suffice; I would also have some trees planted at ye 
right season for an orchard between the trees growinge 
w*"^ may be either Lowp'd or sawed of near ye toppe 
or roote as is most advisable: but for Grubbing up, I 
think that may be left till I com w^th more help: I 
need not name the fruite trees but I would have all 
such sorts as o'' neghbours here do plant. But princi- 
pally I would have him look out for Earth to make 
Bricks and prepare as much as he cann in ye Most 
convenient place to work upon in Spring .... 
I would have a sellar und'^ ye house if it may bee." 

Later in the letter is a passage which was charac- 
teristic of the day : 

"Truly My desire is y* we may all have an Eye to 
y^ Lord in all o"" undertakings who is the great provider 
for all and y^ preserver of all; that we may soe live in 
his fear y* we may honn"" his Name and truth and in our 
whole conversation answ"" his wittness in all people so 
shall righteousness establish our Nation, and our habi- 
tations be in peace and safety even in Jerusalem, that 
is a quiet habitation ..." 

That nothing was left undone to provide for the 
comfort of his family when he should reach the new 
town of Philadelphia is evident again from a letter 
sent by Claypoole to his brother in Barbadoes. In 
this he asked for "2 good stout negroe men, such as 
are like to be plyable and good natured : and ingenious : 

43 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

I question not but thou knowes better than I doe 
w''^ may be fittest for me. and I hope thou wilt be 
so kind as to lett me have those w"^ are good likely 
men: for some I hear are so ill natured and surrly, 
that a man had better keep a Bear, and some again so 
ingenious dillig* and good natured that they are a great 
comfort and Benefitt to a man and his family: And 
my family is great and I have 3 young children : so that 
it may be prejudiciall to me to have bad negroes: I 
would also have a boy and a girle to serve in my house 
I would not have either of them und"" 10 years or 
above 20." 

With the brickmaker, there went to Philadelphia 
for Claypoole's house "Ironmongers ware: tools for 
workinge and some materialls towards ye building of 
a house." 

These goods were probably landed at "that low 
Sandy Beach since called the Blue Anchor," for this 
was from the beginning the accepted landing place for 
all the goods and chattels of the colonists when they 
left the vessels on which they made their weary passage 
from England. A court document recorded in 1753 
said, "Persons have ever since used it as a Common 
Free Landing for Stores, Loggs, Hay and all such kind of 
Lumber and other Goods which can no way be with 
like ease or safety brought and landed to any other 
Wharf and place in the City." 

It was close to this free landing place that the first 
house in Philadelphia was built, and it was not far 
from here that Cole was asked to build Claypoole's 
house, concerning which the following specific direc- 
tions were sent to the brickmaker: 

44 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

"I would willingly have a cell'" und"" y® house for I 
shall bring wines and other liquors y* the heat may 
otherwise spoyle . . . write what things is most 
wanted for my concernes there, and what kind of land 
my Lott is, and how it lyes as to y^ River &c and what 
waf and trees and all things needful to be known when 
thou hast got a hovell to keep thee safe, and provition 
without much charg for food, thou wert best buy a Cow 
and a Sow or two for breed, but in all things get good 
advise." 

By '*2 . 10 mo . 1683" the Claypoole "great" 
family including his "3 young Children" had been for 
two months snugly placed in the house for which so 
many plans had been made. Concerning it he wrote 
on that day to his brother in Barbadoes: 

"I found my servant had builded me a house like a 
barne without a Chimney 40 foot long and 20 broad, 
with a good dry Cellar under it which proved an extra- 
ordinary conveniency for securing our goods and lodging 
my family. Although it Stood me in very dear, for he 
had run me up for dyat — & work — near 60 lb. Sturling 
which I am paying as mony ... to this I built a 
kitchen of 20 foot squar where I am to have a double 
Chimney w^^ I hope will be up in 8 or 12 days." 

In a later letter he said: 

"My lott proves to be one of the best in the Town, 
having 102 foot to the River & 396 long and ab* 13^- 
acre in the high street, there is a swamp runs by the 
side of my lott, that with a small charge might be made 
navigable, and a brave harbour for sloops and small 
ships." 

It is likely that until the house was enlarged the 
household goods brought by Claypoole from England 
could not be accommodated. Most of the emigrants 

45 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

had a mucli more modest equipment than his. Prob- 
ably the average array of furnishings and tools was 
more like that carefully set down by friends of a trav- 
eler who died at sea, as indicated below: 

"A True Inventory of the goods and Chattels of 
George Chandler who Deceased the xiii Day of Decem- 
ber 1687, in his passage to pensilvania. Taken and 
Apprized by us Whose Names are here underwritten 
The xth Day of the Seaventh mo' 1688. 

"First his wearing apparrell; one feather bed & two 
bolsters, 2 blankots, 1 Coverled, 1 par of Sheets; other 
beds & Bedding; Pewter, Brass, tools & other Iron- 
ware; Nayles, Saws, Aug'rs, Chissells, Gouges, wedges, 
Locks, Keys, Riphooks, and all other Iron Lumber; 
2 gunns & powder & shot & powder Home; 2 Chests 
& five Boxes and 2 bedsteds; one Barrell, 1 pare of 
Bellows, 4 Kevers, 1 Doe trough, 2 pailes, 10 bottles, 
and all other Lumber; a Sow & 9 piggs, 4 yards & half 
of Sarge; 1 Ell of holland or Scotch cloth, threed, pins 
& tapes." 

Many of the first colonists were compelled to put 
up with rude cave houses, built in the sloping ground 
above the Delaware. These could not have been very 
different from the sod houses on the prairies or the 
potato cellars still to be found on many farms. A 
bank formed the back of the house, while timbers 
were driven into the ground for the sides and the front. 
Earth was heaped against the side timbers, a door and a 
window or two were cut, and a roof of timbers cov- 
ered with earth completed the whole. The window 
aperture contained a sliding board which, when closed, 
shut out some of the cold as well as the light. Some- 
times a bladder or isinglass was stretched across. 
Those who were able to display a small paned window 
46 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

were proud of the achievement and were looked on 
with envy by their neighbors. 

A letter written in 1708 to Hugh Jones of Bala, 
Wales, by John Jones, told of conditions as they were in 
1682 when the first of the cave houses were in use. 
He said: 

"By this time there was a kind of neighborhood here, 
although as neighbors they could little benefit each 
other. They were sometimes employed in making huts 
beneath some cliff, or under the hollow banks of 
rivulets, thus sheltering themselves where their fancy 
dictated. There were neither cows nor horses to be 
had at any price. ' If we have bread, we will drink water 
and be content,' they said; yet no one was in want, 
and all were much attached to each other; indeed much 
more so, perhaps, than many who have every outward 
comfort this world can afford. 

"During this eventful period our governor began 
to build mansion houses at different intervals, to the 
distance of fifty miles from the city, although the 
country appeared a complete wilderness. 

"There was, by this time no land to be bought 
within twelve miles of the city, and my father having 
purchased a small tract of land married the widow of 
Thomas Llwyd of Penmaen. He now went to live 
near the woods. It was now a very rare but pleasing 
thing to hear a neighbor's cock crow." 

The crowding of cave houses along the water front 
of the city was not in accordance with William Penn's 
plan. In laying out his checkerboard city he made 
known his purpose to reserve "the top of the bank 
as a common exchange, or walk." He did allow some 
to build stores here, if they were not raised higher 
than four feet above the bank. For a time he suc- 

47 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

ceeded fairly well in keeping open the view of the river 
for those who walked where the ground began to slope 
toward the water. 

Many of the cave houses near the river soon 
became a nuisance, and the Grand Jury found it neces- 
sary to deal summarily with the owners. The records 
of that body for "2^ 4*^ Mo 1686" include the following 
Presentments : 

"We present the encroachments on the King's 
highway following, viz: of John Swift's shop on y® end 
of Mulberrie street neer the delaware river, of Y^ widow 
Blinston's house being an encroachment standing upon 
Chestnut street neer delaware. The porch of Richard 
Orme encroaching on y® third street. John Markome 
for setting his house or cave encroaching upon delaware 
front street and John Moone for encroaching on y® 
front street by setting his palins upon y* same." 

On another occasion the Grand Jury took similar 
action : 

"We present Joseph Knight for Suffering drunken- 
ness & evill orders in his Cave." 

"All caves by the water side as unfit for houses of 
entertainment or drinking houses A great grievance & 
an occasion to forestall the Mercat." 

Later it was ordered that, "in presence of the 
Governor's letter read in Court, y" high & pettie con- 
stable, high & undersheriffs, do forthwith view what 
emptie Caves doe stand in the King's highway, in 
delaware front street (which way or street is sixty 
feet wide) and that they forthwith pull down & demolish 
all emptie caves as they shall find have encroached 
upon y® said street, in part or in all, and they shall 
secure what odd goods they therein find for y° owners. '* 
48 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

One owner thereupon asked for "a month's time 
to pull down his cave in y° middle of y® street," and 
the court "granted him a mo. time to pull it down 
& ordered him to fill up the hole in y® strete.'* 

But the day came when Penn's well-laid plans to 
keep open the view of the river came to nothing. 
When he was absent in England, a petition was pre- 
sented to the Commissioner of Property by a number 
of merchants and landowners who wished to build 
much higher than the prescribed four feet above the 
bank, though they promised that they would leave 
"thirty feet of ground for a cartway under and above 
the said bank forever." The Commissioner further 
stipulated that, when necessary, they should "wharf 
out," in order to preserve the proper breadth, and that 
those who wished to have steps up into their houses 
should "leave convenient room to make the same upon 
their own ground." Between two adjoining streets 
"there was to be left at least ten feet of ground for a 
public stairs, clear of all building over the same." 

So it was not long until the whole bank was built 
up, and "not a house as far as Pine Street" had a single 
foot of yard room. 

Before Penn's departure for England he wrote that 
"the city of Philadelphia now extends in length from 
River to River two miles and in breadth near a Mile," 
then he proudly added that it was "Modelled between 
two Rivers upon a neck of Land and that Ships May 
ride in Good Anchorage in 6 or 8 fathom Water in 
Both, close to the City level dry and wholesome, such 
a Situation is scarce to be paralleled." 

All this land Penn bought from the Indians as well 

49 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

as from former settlers. His method of payment to 
the original owners may be seen from a deed recorded 
in 1697: 

"We Taminy Sachimack and "Weheeland, my 
brother, and Wehequeekhon, alias Andrew, who is to 
be king after my death, Yaquekhon alias Nicholas, 
and Quenamequid alias Charles my sons for us our 
heirs and successors grant . , . land between Pem- 
mepack and Neshaminy extending to the length of the 
River Delaware so far as a horse can travel in two sum- 
mer days, and to carry its breadth according to the 
several course of the two said creeks, and when the 
said creeks do branch, that the main branches granted 
shall stretch forth upon a d'^rect course on each side 
and to carry on the full breadth to the extent of the 
length thereof." 

The consideration for the transfer of this land — 
about three hundred square miles in all — was made up 
of the following items : 

"5 p. Stockings, 20 Barrs Lead, 10 Tobacco Boxes, 
6 Coates, 2 Guns, 8 Shirts, 2 Kettles, 12 Awles, 10 
Tobacco Tongs, 6 Axes, 4 yds. Stroud-Water, 100 
Needles, 5 Hatts, 25 lbs. powder, 1 Peck Pipes, 28 yards 
Duffills, 16 Knives, 10 pr Scissors, 2 Blankets, 20 Hand- 
fulls of Wampum, 10 Glasses, 5 Capps, 15 Combs, 
5 Hoes, 9 Gimbletts, 20 Fishhooks, 7 half Gills, 4 Hand- 
full Bells." 

In the light of this bargain the Proprietor's state- 
ment concerning the Indians, written in August, 1683, 
is full of interest: 

"I find them a people rude, to Europeans, in dress, 

gestures, and food; but of a deep natural sagacity. 

Say little, but what they speak is fervent and elegant, 

if they please, close to the point, and can be as evasive. 

50 



^ 






E \^ y^/.. 'i*.y^ >.-c.^, r^^.^*' ^^:, ^^^^'■'^" 




^^' 5^/2.^/^. '.^.r/'' 




.<■ / / • 

^u ftie ^^/t-tt. <?/i^5<- (<y^^^-i 

/ y ^> 



f^W/^/^/-';:^ 




t f7/ja^yUi**t^c/it 



•a) 



6} -r" 



i_J(,1T^y'otrf" 






RECEIPT FOU PAYMENT FOR LAND (ilVEN BY THE INDIANS TO THOMAS 
AND RICHARD PENV 




Q ^ >. 






^ £ 




HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

In treaties, about land or traffick, I find them deliberate 
in council, and as designing, as I have ever observed 
among the politest of our Europeans. I have bought 
two large tracts, and had two presented to me, which 
cost me alike. They trouble not themselves about bills 
of lading, or exchange; nor are they molested about 
chancery suits and exchequer accounts. Their rest is 
not disturbed for maintenance; they live by their 
pleasure, fowling and fishing; the sons of providence, 
better without tradition, unless that they have got 
had been better; for the Dutch, English, and Swedes 
have taught them drunkenness. Thus they are the 
worse for those they should have been the better for; 
and this they are not so dark as not to see, and say." 

Gradually the colonists made themselves comfort- 
able on lands to which the Indians had been persuaded 
to yield their claims, free from the periodical alarms 
of Indian raids that distressed the pioneers in other 
parts of the country because the original owners of the 
soil had not been treated as Penn treated his dusky 
neighbors. And it was well that they were freed from 
such anxieties, for they had enough of those that were 
inevitable. A glimpse of the burdens that were cheer- 
fully borne for the sake of a home where some day 
there would be plenty was given by Ann Warder in 
her diary. Once in 1787 she recorded talking with a 
friend "who related what Friends* situation was in 
the first settlement of their country; when the men and 
women toiled together to clear the land, without being 
able to procure what we esteem the common necessaries 
of life. One day a worthy woman returning from her 
labor to provide something for her own and companions' 
dinner, and remembering that she had not nor could 
obtain nothing but very ordinary bread sat down and 

51 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

wept. A favorite cat came to her repeatedly which 
induced her to follow her into the woods, where she 
found that the animal had killed a fine fat rabbit, on 
which all dined." 

Pictures of the life in a humble home where father 
and mother and children lived in loving fellowship are 
to be secured by the sympathetic reading of the brief 
but eloquent records in the family Bible of Samuel 
Powell, the first, who died in 1756. The Bible was 
printed in 1683. 

Samuel Powell's wife was Abigail, the daughter of 
Benjamin Willcox of Philadelphia. 

The entries were as follows: 

' "Sam®* Powell & Abigail his wife were married the 
19th day of the 12th Mon*^ 1700 in Philadelphia. 

"Anne Powell the Daughter of y^ s'd Sam®' & 
Abigail was Born the 10th day of the'^2'' Mon**' 1702. 

"Sam®* Powell the Sonn of y® s'd Sam^' & Abigail 
was Born the 26th day of y« 12th Mon*^ 1704. 

"Deborah Powell the Daughter of s'd Sam®' & 
Abigail Powell was born the 24th day of the 8th Month 
1706 in the house of my Aunt Ann Parsons. 

"Anne Powell the Second of y* name was born the 
24th day of y® 8th Mo 1708. 

"Anne Powell the first of y* name departed this 
Life y® 10th day of y® 10th Mo 1707. 

"Ann Parsons departed this Life y® 24th y® 6 Mo 
1712. 

"Sarah Powell y® Daughter of Samuel & Abigail 
Powell was born y® 29 of y® 4th M° 1713. 

"My Dear Wife Abigail Powell Departed this Life 
y« 4th day of y« 7th M° 1713. 

"Ann Powell v® Second of y® Name Departed this 
Life r 26th day of y« 8th M« 1714." 
52 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

The fashion of the houses built by such settlers as 
those whose humble annals were set down in this family 
Bible was indicated by Robert Turner in his letter to 
William Penn, which the Proprietor quotes in "A 
Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania." 
In this letter, which was dated August, 1685, he said: 

"Now as to the Town of Philadelphia it goeth on 
in Planting and Building to admiration, both in the 
front & backward, and there are about 600 Houses in 
3 years time. And since I built my Brick House, the 
foundation of which was laid at thy going, which I did 
design after a good manner to incourage others, and 
that from building with Wood, it being the first, many 
take example, and some that built Wooden Houses, 
are sorry for it: Brick Building is said to be as cheap. 
Brick are exceeding good, and better than when I 
built ... 

"I am Building another Brick house by mine, which 
is three large Stories high, besides a large Brick cellar 
under it, of two Bricks and a haK thickness in the wall, 
and the next story half under Ground, the cellar hath 
an Arched Door for a Vault to go [under the Street] 
to the River, and so to bring in goods, or deliver out. 
Humphrey Murray, from New York, has built a large 
Timber house, with Brick Chinmies. John Test has 
also finished a good Brick House, and a Bake House of 
Timber. John Day a good house, after the London 
fashion, most Brick, with a large frame of Wood, in the 
front, for Shop Windows; all these have Belconies, 
Lots are much desir'd in the town, great buying one 
of another." 

A full description of a brick house of the period 
(1690) is given in the biography of Christopher White. 
Though this house was built in New Jersey, the de- 
scription would well serve for some of the early brick 

houses of Philadelphia: 

53 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"The main building was thirty feet by twenty feet, 
two stories high; the stories were nine feet in height, 
at the east end of the house was a wing ten feet square 
in the form of a tower, in that was the stairway leading 
to the second story and garret. There were overshoots 
that projected from the eaves of the roof about four 
feet in middle and extended around the gable ends of 
the house, which at a distance gave the appearance of 
having a tower at each corner. The cellar was only 
three feet under ground. It was paved with pressed 
brick six inches square, made of the finest clay. The 
walls from the foundations up to the windows of the 
first story were eighteen inches in thickness; above they 
were thirteen inches thick. Six stone steps, six feet in 
length and one foot in thickness, led up to the main 
entrance of the building. Two white-oak ties eighteen 
inches square supported the joist of the floors. The 
timbers were of white oak, the floor boards of yellow 
pine clear of sap and knots, eighteen inches in width 
and one and one half inch in thickness. The partitions 
and doors were made of heart yellow pine. There were 
two rooms on the first floor and three on the second 
floor; the garret was not plastered. There was one 
chimney in the main building near its centre, the fire- 
place in the hall or parlor was eight feet in length, the 
breast-plate of chimney being of heart yellow pine and 
full of carvings. There were five windows in the front 
of the house two in the lower story and three in the 
upper; also two windows in the gable ends of each 
story. The kitchen part stood on the east side of the 
main building. It was of brick, one story high; its 
ceiling was ten feet in height. The yard around the 
house was paved with sqaure bricks similar to those 
in the cellar floor." 

In the first chapter of this volume the story is told 
of William Hudson, the emigrant who came to Phila- 
delphia bearing his father's permission to marry. 

54 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

Probably at once after his marriage, in 1688, he erected 
the house to which he led his wife and in which he 
spent the rest of his life. Thomas Allen Glenn has 
described the house in the following clear fashion : 

*'It stood on a large lot of ground facing the south- 
east corner of Third and Chestnut streets. It was built 
of red and black glazed brick, and was three stories 
high, having a sloping roof. A brick portico extended 
from the front entrance . . . The house was sur- 
rounded by a paved courtyard, shut in from the street 
by a high wall, there being a coachway on Third street 
and another entrance gate on Chestnut street. The 
place was shaded by several old trees, and a charming 
view of the Delaware could be obtained from the garden 
sloping away on the southeast towards Dock Creek. 
The stable and servants quarters w^ere built in the rear 
of the courtyard. This typical colonial dwelling con- 
tained on the first floor the hall room, 'dining room, 
Great Kitchen, and Outer Kitchen.' On the second 
floor the 'great chamber' and two other large rooms, 
besides smaller ones. The third floor is described 
simply as 'the Garrett,' and probably consisted of but 
one apartment. 

"The furniture was in keeping with the best style 
of the time; black walnut was the principal wood used, 
with an occasional oak or mahogany piece. There 
were two tall clocks, one in the hall room and one in 
the dining room. One of these old timepieces, said to 
have been purchased by Hudson's father at a sale in 
London ... is now in the Philadelphia Library." 

In many of these houses the old half-door was a 
cherished institution. The beauty and convenience 
of such a door can be appreciated by one who reads 
Townsend Ward's description: "Quaint it was, but 
how appropriate for a single minded, hearty people 

55 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

among whom no depredation was ever known, until 
there came upon them the evil days of single doors 
and locks and bolts. . . While the lower half 
of the door was closed no quadruped could enter the 
dwelling house, but the refreshing air of heaven could, 
while the rest it afforded a leisure loving people was 
most agreeable." How many pleasant hours were 
spent by the householders at such haK opened doors, 
talking with a neighbor, or with a passer-by ! 

Perhaps it was because so little was feared from 
thieves that the first settlers were careless about 
securing their property. Sometimes this confidence 
was not Justified, as in the case of one who, in 1686, 
complained to the Court that a man had climbed to 
his roof, displaced a loose board, and dropped to the 
garret bedroom where three members of the family 
were sleeping in one bed. 

In the pioneer homes there was frequently neces- 
sity for such crowding. Probably many early Phila- 
delphians could duplicate the description of the make- 
shifts ^humorously described by a later pioneer 
hundreds of miles away: 

"It remained to sub-divide two hundred and eighty 
nine square feet of internal cabin into all the apartments 
of a commodious mansion . . . And first, the punch- 
eoned area was separated into two grand parts, by an 
honest Scotch carpet hung over a stout pole that ran 
across with ends rested on the opposite wall plates; 
the woollen portion having two-thirds of the space on 
one side and the remaining third on the other. 

"Secondly, the larger space was then itself sub- 
divided by other carpets . . . into chambers, each 
containing one bed and twelve nominal inches to fix 
56 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

and unfix in; while trunks, boxes and the Hke plunder 
were stationed under the bed. Articles intended by 
nature to be hung, frocks, hats, coats, &c, were pendent 
from hooks and pegs of wood inserted into the wall. 
To move or turn around in such a chamber without 
mischief done or got was difficult; and yet we came at 
last to the skill of a conjuror that can dance blindfolded 
among eggs — we could in the day without light and 
at night in double darkness, get along and without 
displacing, knocking down, kicking over, or tearing! 

"The chambers were, one for Uncle John and his 
nephew; one for the widow ladies and Miss Emily, 
who, being the pet, nestled at night in a trundle bed, 
partly under the large one; and one very small room for 
the help, which was separated from the Mistress* 
chamber by pendulous petticoats. Our apprentices 
slept in an out-house. These chambers were all south 
of the grand hall of eighteen inches wide between the 
suites; on the north, being first our room and next it 
the strangers' — a room into which at a pinch were 
several times packed three guests. Beyond the hos- 
pitality chamber was the toilette room, fitted with 
glasses, combs, hair brushes, &c., and after our arrival, 
furnished with the first glass window in that part . . . 
The window was of domestic manufacture, being one 
fixed sash containing four panes, each eight by ten's, 
by whose light in warm weather we could not only fix 
but also read in retirement." 

Gradually larger houses took their place by the 
side of more humble neighbors. In these were single 
rooms, many of them as large as the one entire house 
of the first settlers. And what striking improvements 
the builders of the larger houses insisted on introducing ! 
Large paned windows were long considered a wonderful 
luxury, and many builders awed the observers by the 

57 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

use of these daylight savers. Governor John Penn's 
use of such windows led his sister-in-law to write: 

"Happy the man, in such a treasure, 
Whose greatest panes afford him pleasure." 

The number of houses erected, both large and small, 
was so great that in 1712 Rev. Abel Morgan wrote 
to his former congregation at Blaenegwent, Wales: 

"I am surprised to see the extent of the city in so 
short a time. It is about a mile long and of medium 
width with wide streets and high and beautiful build- 
ings. The inhabitants are numerous; ships ladened lie 
at the side of the town. There is a Court here, and the 
wagons continually are going with flour and wheat to 
the ships. The Country is exceedingly level as far as 
I have seen for about sixty miles; mostly good ground 
without much stone, so that a man may ride a hundred 
miles without a shoe under his horse. There is an 
orchard by every house of various fruits, very pro- 
ductive, they say." 

Twenty-nine years after Mr. Morgan wrote this 
wondering letter, Count Zinzendorf visited the city. 
During a part of his residence he lived in a house on 
the east side of Second street, a few doors north of 
Race street. This house was "built of brick, alternate 
red- and black-headers, three stories high, with pitch 
roof and dormer windows, with ten rooms, and kitchen 
and laundry detached in the rear. Glass 'bulls-eyes' 
in the front door and half moons in the window shutters 
afforded light to entry and rooms." 

During the same year Colonel James Coultas 
built for his family a stone house that is still one of 
the marvels of West Philadelphia, on a lane leading 
from the road to Darby to the road to West Chester. 

58 



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tCliMmm ^^nns ftilvrr ^fa $frvift. 




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WILLIAM PENN's SILVER TEA SERVICE 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

To this he added a wing in 1754. The mansion, which 
became known as Whitby Hall, appears to-day much 
as it did when first built, for the alterations made 
in 1754 and 1819 were so harmoniously contrived that 
it is difficult to tell the old part from the new. 

The women who were at the head of old Philadel- 
phia homes were usually good housewives, whether 
they presided over a little brick tenement like that in 
Mulberry street which Ann Newall entered in 1745, 
and for which she paid four pounds per year, or over 
such a house as that Ann Warder described in 1788 
as "exceedingly convenient, though larger than I 
wished, it having four rooms on a floor — Kitchen, 
counting house and two parlors on the first floor, 
eight bedrooms and two garrets. Many handy closets. 
A small yard and beyond it another with grass plot, 
good stable and chaise house." 

For in that day more attention was paid to educat- 
ing a girl in housework and home-making than in the 
studies of the schools. It was considered of greater 
value that she should know how to spin, knit, sew and 
cook than that she should be familiar with literature 
or be able to scan a line of Latin verse. The average 
mother took great pride in having her floors spotless, 
in making the clothing for her children as well as for her 
husband, and in collecting china, brass, pewter, or 
possibly silver for her pantry shelves. 

In many homes silver was unknown. Even some of 
the wealthier colonists had only a few pieces, though 
what they had was apt to be handsome. An interesting 
glimpse of the silver in the home of Thomas Penn is 
afforded by a study of the inventory of the pieces he 

planned to send to England in 1763. These were: 

59 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"1 pair of low candlesticks for a writing table, 1 
pair of small do, 2 old Square salts with my Crest, a 
silver pig tail box, a silver beaker, a small nutmeg 
grater, a silver peak for a saddle, 1 large Sauce pan, 

1 small do, 1 Gilt Challice, 4 Table Spoons with my 
Crest, 2 large do, marked T. P., 1 Teapot, 1 silver plate." 

But while not so much silver was found on the 
pantry shelves, the metal was used for many other 
purposes. On the day book of a silversmith between 
1745 and 1748 appeared charges for silverware that 
included such items as "14 silver buttons, 1 pair 
shoe buckels, garter buckels, knee buckels, a ring to 
be made with the posey, 

'I pray love well and ever 
Not the gift, but the giver,' 

double jointed tea-tongs, silver seal, topping thimble, 
shovels for salts, spur, hoop and chain, locket and bells." 
The ordinary kitchen was apt to contain some such 
modest supply of furnishings as that sold in 1760 to 
Thomas Potts, owner of the house in which Washington 
later made his headquarters at Valley Forge: 

"A large copper sauce pann, 15 shillings; a small do, 
8 shillings; a pair Brass Candlesticks, 15 shillings; a 
pair Rose Blanketts, 46 shillings; 6 china bowls, 23 
shillings 6 pence; a pr. of Snuffers, 2 shillings 6 pence; 
a Brush, 2 shillings 9 pence; a pr. Iron Candlesticks, 

2 shillings; 2 China bowles, 5 shillings; 3 Saucers, 2 
shillings 3 pence; a Looking Glass, 54 shillings; a dozen 
Knives and Forks, 7 shillings; 6 yards of Draper, 11 
shillings; a Blankett, 14 shillings; 6 pewter Dishes, 
52 shillings; a dozen Plates, 32 shillings; 6 hardmettle 
porringers, 15 shillings; a dozen spoons, 6 shillings; a 
trunck, 18 shillings; a Cotton Counterpane, 57 shillings; 
}/2 dozen Chairs, 40 shillings; 3 galls, of Spirit, 22 shil- 
lings; 3 silver spoons, 66 shillings 10 pence; a Bedsted 
40 shillings; Fire shovel and Tongs, 10 shillings." 

60 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

In 1771, at a Philadelphia home, there was a vendue 
of household furnishings when bidders carried away: 

"1 Wine cask, 1 Tub and Old Barrel, Wheel Firkin 
and Chair; Rake & pitch Fork; Real and Winding 
Blades; Neck Yok & Strap; Hay Knife and Weeding 
Hoe; Saw and Horse, Side Saddle & 2 Trusels, Rabbit 
Box; Bed Cornish &c; Parcel Wooden Ware & 2 Mouse 
Traps; 1 Horse Brush, 2 Brass Candlesticks, 2 Iron 
Spits, pan- Tobacco Tongs, High Walnut Corner Cup- 
board, Large Copper Fish Kettle, half dozen Walnut 
Chairs with Damisk Bottoms, a Bald Faced Bay Horse, 
Black Cow with White Belly, Shagreen case with 
Knives & Forks; Eight-Day Clock; pair of Hand 
Bellows Brass Nozel; 10 Hard Mettle Plates; Mahogeny 
Server; 2 pair Snuffers & Callander & Toaster; Old 
Tin Lanthorne; 1 pair of double flint Beer Glasses; 
1 Doz. Large & Yl Doz. small Patterpans; a Draw & 
Parcel Galley Pots; a Large Lignum Whity Morter and 
pestel; Warm^ Pan with Copper Bottom; Jack & Gears; 
Old Fashion High Case Draws; Curled Maple Case of 
High Draws; 1 pr old Blankets, 1 pr Homespun Ditto; 

1 Dieper Table Cloth; 1 Ditto Homespun; 16 Bottles 
of Beer; 3 Gall Kag of Grape Wine; 5 Gall Ditto of 
White Currant Wine; 10 Gall Kag of Prick't Wine; 

2 Brass Sconsances; 1 pr Saddle Bags; 1 pr Fire Buckets, 
tin Jack or Mug; 1 Hard Mettle pot; 1 Lead Tobacco 
Box; 2 N. England Leather Bottom Chairs; 1 pr Gold 
Seals & Weights." 

When — about the year 1786 — a housewife went to 
the manufacturer of furniture she was asked to pay 
prices like the following for fine pieces: 

Desk, Winged. 10.0.0 

Desk, with scalloped drawer below and shell 

drawer above 13.10.0 

Book case with scroll pediment 12.0.0 

High Chest of Drawers on a frame, head and 

corners, plain feet 13.0.0 

61 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

£. s. d. 

A Table to suit 4.10.0 

Low Chest of Drawers, with three long and 

five small 4.10.0 

Chair with plain Crooked feet & bannister 

leather seat 1.14.0 

Arm Chair to suit 2.18.0 

Corner chair plain feet and bannister 2.10.0 

Sofa, fret on feet and rails, carved mouldings. 10.10.0 
Dining Table, plain feet crooked or Marl- 
borough 3.5.0 

Table 5 ft 6 inches, with 6 legs 8.0.0 

Breakfast table, plain 2.15.0 

Side Board Table, 6 feet, by 2 feet 6 in 5.0.0 

Writing Table, with one top to raise on the 

side only, front to draw out 7.0.0 

Dumb Waiter, 4 tops, plain feet 5.0.0 

Clock Case, Square head and Corners 6.0.0 

Bedstead, Mahogany Field Bed with canopy, 

rails 6.0.0 

When the housewife succeeded in storing in her house 
a lot of such furniture she was eager to give a grand 
dinner. The expenses for such a meal, in 1761, may be 
seen from a bill from John Lawrence to Mary Biddle: 

£. 8. d. 
To 1 Piece of Beef 7/, Gamon, 6/6, Calves 

head 2/6 0.16.0 

To Veal 2/11, fish 7/, Ducks 5/, Lamb 4/. . . . 0.18.11 
To Chickens 12/, Tongues 3/, Cabage 2/, 

Turnips 1/ 0.18.0 

To Tarts 6/, Jellys 8/, Custard 3/, Whips 4/. 1.01.0 
To Cucumbers 4/, Potatos 9d, Peas 3/6, 

Butter 9/ 0.17.6 

To Strawberys 2/6, Cherries 2/, Pudings 12/, 

Bread 1/4 0.17.10 

Dressing 2.10.0 

4 Bottles of wine at 4/6 18 

3 bottles Claret, 15 /, Bristol Beer 8/, Punch 12/ 1.15 

62 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

But where there was given one such court dinner 
there were hundreds of quiet home meals like that of 
which Ann Warder told in 1786 : 

"Dined with Anne Giles, daughter to Friend Clifford, 
her father and Mother, with Tommy, John and wife, 
and brother and sister Warder. First rock fish, next 
Mock turtle, ducks, ham and boiled turkey, with plenty 
of vegetables, and after these were removed, we had 
floating island, several lands of pie with oranges and 
preserves. When we were well satisfied, left the men 
to their pipes and went upstairs to our chat." 

'Two days later the diarist wrote: 

"Most of the family busy preparing for a great 
dinner, two green turtles having been sent . . . We 
concluded to dress them together here and invite the 
whole family in . . . We had a black woman to cook 
and an elegant entertainment it was — having three 
tureens of soup, the two shells baked besides several 
dishes of stew, with boned turkey, roast ducks, veal 
and beef. After these were served the table was filled 
with two kinds of jellies and various kinds of puddings, 
pie and preserves; and then almonds, raisins, nuts, 
apples and oranges. Twenty four sat down at the table. 
I admired the activity of the lusty cook, who prepared 
everything herself, and charged for a day and a half 
but three dollars." 

In the same hospitable home the bill of fare for a 
much simpler meal included roast turkey, mashed 
potatoes, whip'd sally bubs, oyster pie, boiled leg of 
pork, bread pudding and tarts. Then followed "an 
early dish of tea for the old folks." 

In the days of Ann Warder, as to-day, there was a 
part of home-making that men did not like as much 
as they enjoyed these appetizing meals, though it 

63 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

was just as necessary to the welfare of the well-ordered 
home — house cleaning. The very year that Ann Warder 
wrote her charming diary a mere man wrote an article 
for The American Museum in which he told facetiously 
of the tearing up of the house that comes inevitably in 
the spring: 

"When a young couple are about to enter on the 
matrimonial state, a never-failing article in the marriage 
treaty is that the young lady shall have and enjoy the 
free and unmolested exercise of the right of white- 
washing ... A young woman would forego the most 
advantageous connexion, and even disappoint the 
warmest wish of her heart, rather than forego this 
invaluable right." 

The magazine writer then spoke of the possibility 
of covering the walls of the house with paper, in order 
to make unnecessary much of the spring housecleaning 
and whitewashing. He said that though this "cannot 
abolish, it at least shortens the period of female domin- 
ion." He explained that "the paper is decorated v/ith 
flowers of various fancies and made so ornamental, 
that the woman has admitted the fashion, without 
perceiving the design." 

The man who professed to believe that wall paper 
was invented to circumvent the housewife, then went 
on to tell of a second evidence of the cleanliness of 
the Philadelphia homemakers: 

"There is also another cherished custom peculiar to 
the city of Philadelphia and nearly allied to the former. 
I mean that of washing the pavement before the door- 
way every Saturday evening. I at first took this to 
be a regulation of the police, but, on further enquiry, 
find it to be a religious rite preparatory to the Sabbath, 
64 




TilK OLD SllJi:iii)AKl) 




A f'ORNER OF AN OLD DIXINCi-ROOM 




DRAFT OF UPPER FERRY, SCHlfYl.KILL RIVER, PHILADELPHIA 

(Original in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania! 



HOUSE BUILDING AND HOME MAKING 

and is, I believe, the only religious rite in which the 
numerous sectarians of the city profoundly agree. 

"The ceremony begins about sunset, and continues 
till about ten or eleven at night. It is very difficult for 
a stranger to walk the streets on these evenings. He 
runs a continual risk of having a bucket of water thrown 
against his legs, but a Philadelphian born is so accus- 
tomed to the danger that he avoids it with surprising 
dexterity. It is from this circumstance that a Phila- 
delphian is known anywhere by his gait." 

But whether this is told in jest or in earnest, the 
fact remains that Philadelphia houses have ever been 
noted for cleanliness, and the typical homemaker has 
always been a model of efficiency. 



Ill 

THE BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

William Penn Far in Advance of His Age — Why the Trees Offended 
— A Brutal Ship Captain — Pennsylvania's Only Witchcraft 
Prosecution — Humphrey Morrey, First Mayor, and the Blub 
Anchor Wharf — "To Prison He Must Go" — Sheep Raising in 
the Public Square — Stuffing the Ballot Box in 1705 — "Black- 
beard's" Charmed Life — Forbidden Amusements — The Election 
Riot of 1742 — An Unwilling Mayor-elect. 

WHEN William Penn planned his colony on the 
Delaware he had the amazing notion that he 
wanted his people to be governed in such a 
way that they would be happy. He had had enough 
of rulers who cared nothing for the people except as 
they ministered to the satisfaction and comfort of 
those in authority. It was his purpose, on the con- 
trary, to do righteously, to show mercy, and to make 
it evident in all things that government's sole excuse 
for existence was to add to the sum of human happiness. 

His own bitter experience of persecution and im- 
prisonment because of his religious convictions con- 
vinced him that it was time to make a fight for civil 
liberty, and that it was his duty to take a leading part 
in the contest. 

In 1679, when Charles I called for the election of 
a new Parliament, Penn prepared and circulated a 
pamphlet which he called "England's Great Interest 
in the Choice of this Parliament." In this were many 
declarations that sound like a prophecy of the Decla- 
ration of Independence, issued nearly a century later 
66 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

from the city for whose founding he had not then made 
any preparation. He spoke of three rights of the indi- 
vidual that could not be altered or abrogated: 

"The first of these fundamentals is right and title 
to your house, liberties and estates. In this every man 
is a sort of little sovereign in himself . . . Only your 
own transgression of the laws (and those of your own 
making too) lays you open to loss, which is but the 
punishment due to offences, and should be in proportion 
to the fault committed. 

"The second fundamental that is your birthright, 
is legislation. No law can be made or abrogated 
without you. 

"Your third great right and privilege is executive; 
that is, your share in the application of those laws that 
you agree to be made." 

Though this apostle of human liberty and of reform 
in government had been interested for many years in 
the colonization of New Jersey, he had not had a full 
opportunity to put into practice these principles. But 
when, in 1680, he asked Charles I to give to him a 
tract on the Delaware, in payment of a claim for sixteen 
thousand pounds, the sum advanced to the crown by 
Penn's father, he dreamed of inviting to these lands 
men and women to whom would be presented the op- 
portunity of tasting the delights of real liberty. He had 
in mind not only those of the Society of Friends who 
had shared persecution with him, but also "the good 
and oppressed of every nation." For them he wanted 
"to found an empire where the pure and peaceable prin- 
ciples of Christianity might be carried out in practice." 

His object was absolutely unselfish. It was not 
even his wish that his name should be connected with 

67 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

the colony. At first lie proposed that the name should 
be New Wales. When this was rejected by those in 
authority, he proposed Sylvania. But, as he wrote to 
his friend, Robert Turner, "They added Penn to it; 
and though I much opposed it, and went to the King 
to have it struck out and altered, he said it was past, 
and would take it upon him; nor could twenty guineas 
move the under secretary to vary the name; for I feared 
lest it should be looked on as a vanity in me, and not 
a respect in the King, as it truly was, to my father." 
A few weeks after the granting of the charter for 
Pennsylvania, Penn wrote to those who were already 
living within the bounds of the new colony: 

" I wish you all happiness . . . You are now fixed 
at the mercy of no governor that comes to make his 
fortune great; you shall be governed by laws of your 
own making, and live as free, and, if you will, as sober 
and industrious people. I shall not usurp the right of 
any, or oppress his person ... In short, whatever 
sober and free men can reasonably desire, for the 
security and improvement of their own happiness, I 
shall heartily comply with ..." 

His purpose was even more clearly set forth in a 
letter written in 1681, in which he said: 

"As my understanding and inclination have been 
much directed to observe and reprove miscliiefs in 
government, so it is now put into my power to settle 
one. For the matters of liberty and privilege, I propose 
that which is extraordinary, and to leave myself and 
successors no power of doing mischief, that the will of one 
man may not hinder the good of an whole country." 

Penn's remarkable frame of government, which 
was dated April 25, 1682, was so far in advance of the 

68 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

age that, as Bancroft says, "its essential principles 
remain to this day without change," while another 
competent critic has said that in it was "the germ, if 
not the development of every valuable improvement 
in government or legislation, which has been introduced 
into the political systems of more modern epochs.'* 

The government was to consist of the governor, a 
Provincial Council, and a General Assembly. These 
bodies, which were to make laws, create courts, choose 
officers, and transact public affairs, were to be elected 
by the freemen, by ballot. By freemen were meant 
not only landholders, but "every inhabitant, artificer, 
or other resident, that pays scot or lot to the 
government." 

Regulations as to taxes, trials, prisons, and marriage 
were clearly set forth in a code of laws enacted in 
England on May 6, 1682. It was also arranged that 
every child of twelve should be taught some useful 
trade. Members of the council and assembly, as well 
as judges, were to be professing Christians. Everyone 
was to be allowed to worship God according to the dic- 
tates of his own conscience, and this not as a mere mat- 
ter of toleration, but because it was an inherent right. 

The penalty of death was to be Inflicted sparingly; 
some two hundred offenses which were named as capital 
by English law were to be punished in a lighter manner. 
Provision was made for the freeing of "black servants" 
at the end of fourteen years. 

In the attempt to give a human touch to the govern- 
ment of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, Penn may have 
made mistakes, but he succeeded in laying the founda- 
tions of many of the institutions that have helped to 

69 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

bring to the people the happiness he sought for them. 
One of his biographers calls attention to the fact that 
for the greatest mistake of all, the attempt to combine 
in himself feudal sovereignty and democratic leader- 
ship, he was not responsible. Yet somehow he managed 
to make this seem a possible combination, so long as 
he remained in power. Janney says that his success 
was due to his "sweetness of temper and weight of 
character." During his absence however, and in the 
days of his successors, there was clashing, dissension, 
and tumult. 

If Penn could have kept his hand on the government 
for a generation, there would have been a wonderful 
difference in the results attained, in spite of the fact 
that he had a most heterogeneous crowd to deal with, 
who were much more ready to yield to the spirit of the 
age than to be influenced by a leader's beneficent vision. 

A few kaleidoscopic glimpses of some of the crude 
first attempts at government, as well as some of the 
incidents of a later day, are illuminating. 

There is little record of Philadelphia's form of 
government from 1682 to 1691, but it is known that 
the Proprietors' Provincial Court exercised all sorts 
of powers over the lives and property of the citizens. 

Then there are curious records of the Grand Jury, 
which seems to have had jurisdiction over matters 
civil as well as criminal, small as well as large. Witness 
these Presentments of the Grand Jury to the First 
Court in 1683: 

"Wee the Grand Jurie &c Present 
"That the Swamp coming into the Blue anchor be 
forthwith made passible for footmen. 
70 











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nn ainnnniinHBOoisfiiH 



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7 







BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

"That Coquenakar Creek att ye Northend of the 
City of Philadelphia be made also forthwith passable 
for footmen. 

" That the Creek att Tankanney & Cminer Rambos 
be bridged or Cannowed. 

"I Nicholas More present to the grand Inquest all 
the trees that are amongs the houses in the City that 
do Imperforat the prospect of the houses. 

"Itam the roade betwixt the blew Anker and the 
Society's Land which is now for the most part 
Impassable." 

To the Second Court presentment was made: 

"That Stumps in the City Streets be removed. 

"That men to pass upon ye grand & petit Inquests 
are snapt up without a previous Summons, & made to 
pay for their entertainment to boot." 

During the same year, 1683, a case was tried before 
the Council sitting as a Court of Admiralty which tells 
eloquently of the difficulties encountered by those 
who took passage on the emigrant vessels of the day, 
and the extent of the captain's authority. Complaint 
was made by March and others against Kilmer, Master 
of the ship Levee of Liverpool that Kilmer had "trod 
upon" one of the complainants, and that when objec- 
tion was made the Master beat him and made his 
mouth bleed. The captain owned that he had done so. 

John Fox complained that the Master bid him 
clean the Deck. * ' He answered that it was clean already. 
Whereupon ye Master beat him." The Captain ad- 
mitted the truth of this charge also. 

Again it was charged that the Captain, noting 
that a cask of water was leaking, ordered Nicholas 
Newton to "put a pegg into it, which he did, but still 

71 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

it runn out, whereupon the Mr. struck him several 
blows." The Captain owned that he had done these 
things. 

Yet the Governor and Council contented them- 
selves with reprimanding the Captain, "and advised 
him to go with the Passengers and make up the business 
w"^ accordingly he did.'* 

The first case against counterfeiters was on the 
docket of the grand jury in 1683. The testimony 
showed that the defendants had indeed coined money, 
but that to quote the account by S. W. Pennypacker 
in "Colonial Pennsylvania Cases," they had merely 
tried to supply the colony with a medium of exchange 
of an intrinsic value at least equal to that of the Spanish 
coin and the New England shilling. But for this "Hey- 
nous and Grevious Crime" Pickering, the coiner, 
was sentenced to make full satisfaction to all who 
had received money from him, and to "pay a fine 
of forty pounds into tliis court towards ye building 
of a Court house in the Towne. " To Samuel Buckley, 
who helped Pickering, the Court said, "Considering 
thee to have ben more Engenious than he that went 
before thee, hath thought fitt to fine thee, and doe 
fine thee ten pounds toward a Public Court house." 
Robert ffenton, the third defendant, because he 
confessed, and because he was acting as a servant, 
was sentenced to "Sitt an hour in the Stocks." 

Before the days of taxation it was a common thing 
to apply the fines to certain crying public needs, as 
was done in the case of the counterfeiters. 

During the year 1683 was recorded also Pennsyl- 
vania's sole witchcraft prosecution. On the 27th of 
72 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

12th month Margaret Mattson appeared before William 
Penn and the Council to answer to charges made in a 
true bill found by the Grand Jury. To the charge she 
pleaded "Not guilty." 

Henry Dry street testified: "He was tould 20 years 
ago that the person at the Barr was a Witch & that 
Several Cows were bewitcht by her. Also that James 
Saunderling's mother tould him that she bewitcht 
her cow, but afterwards said that it was a mistake, 
and that her Cow would do well againe, for it was not 
her Cow but another Person's that should dye." 

After hearing two other witnesses whose testimony 
was no more convincing, the Jury "brought her in 
guilty of haveing the Comon fame of a witch, but not 
guilty in manner and form as She stands indicted." 

In 1693 Elinor Arme was ordered to "stand at the 
whipping post for a quarter of an hour with a paper 
upon her breast reciting her wicked and notorious sin." 

At that time the whipping post was at Second 
and Market streets. Here also were the stocks and the 
pillory. They remained until October 1, 1726, when 
they were burned by some of those who were opposed 
to them. But they were soon rebuilt and were in use 
for a long time afterward. 

Six years before the burning of the pillory it was 
used for the punishment of three mariners who were 
tried by Judge William Asheton, of the Court of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, in November, 1720, on the 
charge of mutiny. It was proved that the defendants 
did "barbarously misuse, bind and turn adrift in a small 
Boat," the ownier of the schooner on which the mariners 
had shipped, a relative of the owner, and the mate. 

73 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

The court decided that "it would not amount to 
piracy, yet it was committed with much excess of 
cruelty, and was a Fact of so Horrid and black a nature, 
as would justify the greatest severity which could be 
us'd upon them. Therefore the sentence was that the 
men "stand in the Pillory with their Ears Nail'd thereto, 
in the Market Place, for the Space of two Hours, on the 
Market Days; and afterwards, on the said days . . . 
whipped it on their bare backs, and have Twenty One 
Lashes at Eight several Places of the city," where the 
court should direct. 

Earlier candidates for punishment at the whipping 
post were named by the Court of Quarter Sessions on 
July 4, 1693. The "Constable of Philadelphia or annie 
other person whatsoever," was given "power to take up 
negroes, male or female, whom they should find gadding 
abroad on the first dayes of the week, without a tickett 
from their Mr. or Mris., or not in their Company, 
or to carry them to gaole, there to remain that night, 
& that without meat or drink, & to cause them to be 
publickly whipt next morning with 39 lashes well laid 
on, on their bare back, for which their said Mr. or Mris. 
should pay 15*^ to the whipper att his deliverae of ym to 
their Mr. or Mris." 

A petition was made to the Court by Philip England, 
who stated that he had been authorized to keep an 
"Ordinarie and Ferric att Schuilkill" by the Proprietor, 
October 16, 1683, and that it was then ordered that he 
should have the sole right there to transport passengers 
for "monie or reward." For this right he paid seven 
pounds a year. But after he had gone to great expense 
William Powell had begun to ferry people over the 
74 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

river near him. William Powell was called before 
Court for contempt, and soon after had pretended to 
sell his boat "to certain people who doe employ Nathan- 
iel! Mullinax to ferrie them over." 

Mullinax, being called, said that most of the people 
of "Harford & Marion & some of Darbie hired him and 
that he knew no reason why he might not work for his 
living as well as others." 

But the Court ordered that he be committed to the 
common jail till he give sufficient security that "hee 
shall ferrie no more persons horses or cattle over 
Skuilkill att Wm. Powell's for gift or hyre or reward 
directlie or indirectlie and that his boat be forthwith 
seized and secured by the sheriff." 

Two somewhat similar cases, one in 1685, the other 
in 1686, throw light on the peculiar custom of service 
that sometimes was almost slavery\ Eleazer Cossett 
was petitioner in one of these cases. He owned that 
he was indentured servant of a man named Scot, 
that he was willing to serve his master anywhere in the 
province, but that Scot planned to sell him out of the 
province, into foreign parts (Virginia), and had even 
taken him on board ship for the purpose, though he 
had managed to escape. His appeal was that he be 
allowed to remain in the province. The petition was 
granted. 

Elizabeth Day's complaint was that she had served 
her "IVIr., Griffith Jones, 4 years according to Inden- 
ture," but that he refused to grant to her the freedom 
she claimed was hers by right. John Busbie and Jere- 
mias Osborn thereupon deposed "y* about the 3*^ 
instant 4 years agone ye petr and ye deponents being 

75 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

shipmates arrived at Upland in ship Amity, — Richard 
diamond, master." 

But Griffith Jones "ahdged y* she was bound for 5 
years and y* on shipboard she consented to it." 

Evidently the Court had reason to doubt Jones' 
word, for it ordered the petitioner discharged from her 
Indenture. 

Probably Captain Jones felt like expressing his 
opinion of the Court, but there was known to be an 
order "against speaking in or Interrupting the said 
Court without leave first asked and then given by the 
bench." That this order was not to be looked on as a 
dead letter was shown by the Court's action when 
Thomas Howard was "for breach of the rule fined by 
the Court one shilling." But it is stated that he "sau- 
cilie answered Let the Court get it how they can." 
The record does not tell what happened ! 

Not many years after this order was issued, Phila- 
delphia was able to boast a charter and a regular form 
of government. It was long thought that the city's 
first charter was dated in 1701, but in 1887 Colonel 
Alexander Biddle found among the papers of his grand- 
father. Colonel Clement Biddle, a charter which bore 
the date 1691. Humphrey Morrey, who was named 
mayor in this document, was therefore the first mayor of 
the city. Morrey came to Philadelphia in 1683, and 
at once built for himself the "large Timber House, 
with brick Chimnies," of which Robert Turner wrote 
to William Penn, as is related in Chapter II. No one 
has yet found the papers which tell of his service, 
though fortunately a document filed more than sixty 
years later makes the following quotation from the 
minutes of the Provincial Council of 1691: 
76 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

"August 3, 1691. 
"Present, Thomas Lloyd, Deputy Governor and six 
Councillors, Humphrey Morrey the present Mayor of 
the city of Pliiladelphia, on behalf of the said city, 
moves the Governor and Council to lay out and regu- 
late the landing-place near the Blue Anchor Wharf, 
whereupon it was ordered that the said Mayor and the 
aldermen of Philadelphia have noticed to attend the 
Governor and Council about the 8th hour in order to 
view the said landing." 

' It was in consequence of the petition that quoted 
this bit from the records of 1691 that the Blue Anchor 
Wharf was continued free for the use of the public, as 
described in the preceding chapter. 

No one knows how long the original charter re- 
mained in force. At the time William Penn was absent 
in England, and before government under its terms 
had been in operation one year Governor Fletcher 
appeared in the Colony and took Penn's place. Though 
he suggested that Morrey continue as mayor, that 
friend of Penn refused to be continued. 

In 1694 Morrey was in opposition to the authorities, 
for he joined with Isaac Norris, Edward Shippen and 
others in presenting to the Assembly a memorial 
asking that the grievances of the people be adjusted 
by putting in office "men of good repute and Christian 
conversation, without any respect to any profession 
or persuasion in religion." 

Yet less than two years before this Morrey had 
ranged himself on the side of intolerance by taking 
part with those who caused the arrest of John MacComb, 
tavern keeper, and William Bradford, the first printer 
in the colony, for daring to print and circulate a paper 

77 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

in which an attack was made on certain leaders and 
teachings of the Quakers. As a result these men were 
condemned for "publishing, uttering and spreading 
a malicious and seditious paper." 

That Morrey's heart must have failed him in the 
prosecution is indicated by a curious passage in "News 
of a Trumpet Sounding in the Wilderness," printed by 
Bradford in 1697. Bitterly Bradford spoke "of the fact 
that MacComb, his co-defendant, when his Wife was 
in danger of Death by a Flux, and another of his Family 
Sick also, that dyed a short time after, . . . could 
not prevail so much as to go home to take leave of his 
Wife, or set his house in order, tho' earnestly desired 
by him, promising to appear at any time they should 
require him; No, that favour could not be granted, 
but to Prison he must go, altho Humphrey Morrey, 
the Mayor and Chief Magistrate of the place, offered 
to be bayl for him, at which Sam Jenings raged and 
bitterly reflected upon him, for that he knew his place 
no better. And what was all this ior? surely some 
heinous Crime one would think, why, 'twas nor more 
nor less than for letting a person have two of the 
printed Appeals to the yearly Meeting . . . for 
2^ piece, as they cost him." 

This difficulty was only an incident in Bradford's 
stirring relations with the authorities. On "20*^ 7 mo. 
1692," at a Councill held in "ye Councill Room at 
Philadelphia," a message of warning was made ready 
for the printer of independent views and fearless 
behavior: 

"Wm. Bradford a professed printer here though 
under severall obligations of fidelity to the Government 

78 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

and severall tymes cautioned not to publish any paper 
or book which might either reflect on our authority, or 
contain personal reflections to the promoting of feuds 
& animositys among the Inhabitants here, yet through 
his Enmity & officiousness he hath prostrated the use 
& service of his press to gratify a troublous member of a 
disaffected Society." 

Next day "the Board intending to caution the 
printer concerning the Order of yesterday 's sitting Did 
send for Wm. Bradford & his servant. But the Sheriff 
returned Answer That the S'^ Bradford is gone out of 
Town to stay for a week. And his man is gone to Mr. 
Salwys plantacon." 

Morrey, who came into conflict with Bradford 
because of the printer's failure to heed the warning, 
ended his days in a pursuit that was in great contrast 
to his rather belligerent attitude in this case. In 1701 
he retired to his country estate and became a breeder 
of sheep. Evidently he was interested in this pursuit 
even before his selection as mayor, since it is recorded 
that in 1690 there was presented to the Commissioner 
of Property "the Petition of Humphrey Morrey and 
James Fox for themselves and in behalf of those con- 
cerned in a flock of sheep in Philadelphia." This 
petition requested "a convenient piece of land some- 
where about the town for keeping them." It was 
"ordered that about sixty acres be laid out in Square 
between the Broad Street and so far towards Dellaware 
as Conveniently may be so that it be near Dock Street 
and Walnut Street." 

Evidently sheep raising in the public land was a 
profitable occupation, for in 1693 Morrey 's property 
was rated at £600, his being the seventh largest estate 
in the Province. 

79 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Although the taxes imposed on property holders 
at this period were quite small, taxation was as unpop- 
ular as it has always been. When the law of 1692, 
which fixed the rate was passed, a petition of various 
citizens was sent to the Assembly couched in words as 
follows : 

"The Thing therfor touching which we at present 
give you the trouble of these Lines, is a certain Bill, 
promulgated for the Assessing and Leavying One 
Penny per Pound out of the supposed Value of every 
Man's Estate, either Real or Personal, and two Shillings 
per Head for those not otherwise Rated which Great 
Tax on it will doubtless Amount to a great Sum of 
Money, for which we know no present Necessity, 
neither is there any particularly alledged in the said 
Bill; so the deep Impression it will make on our Estates 
... is very grievous and very discouraging to us. . . . 

"If it be so heavy and grievous, when there is no 
Necessity for (as we are sensible of at present) what 
may we expect will come on us, when there is any 
Colour or Pretence of a Necessity indeed?" 

The charter of the city, dated October 25, 1701, 
made easier the administration of city affairs, including 
the levying of taxes and the enforcement of the laws. 
Some of the local regulations were quite odd. An action 
of a Grand Jury of 1702 called attention to a number 
of matters that seem strange to modern citizens: 

"Wee the Grand Inquest for the Corporation do 
present George Robinson, Butcher, for*^being a person 
of ievill fame as a Common swarer and a Common 
Drunker and particularly upon the twenty-third day of 
this instant for swaring three oaths in the market place 
and also for uttering two very bad curses the twenty- 
sixth day of this instant. 
,80 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

"Wee . . . present John Smith of this Citty Hving 
in Strabery Alley for being Maskt or Disgised in 
women's aparell; walking openly through ye streets of 
this Citty, and from house to house ... it being 
against ye Law of God, ye Law of this province, and ye 
Law of nature, to ye staining of holy profession, and 
Incoridging of wickednes in this place. 

"We, the Grand Jury for the body of the citty, 
hauing through Severall Informations, and by our owne 
knol'dge Seriously Considered these following particu- 
lars which are common Nuciences and Aggreuiances to 
the Inhabitants of this Coiporation, which we humbly 
offer to the Maior and Commonalty of the Citty to 
redress, as they in their wisdom shall see meete. 

"first, we the said Grand Jury doe present to your 
consideration the great abuse the Inhabitants of this 
city doe receive by the great hberty of Mens sons and 
servants taking lecentious liberty in robbing of orchards 
and committing many unruly Actions especially on the 
first day of the week, Commonly Called the lord's Day. 

"2ndly. The great abuse and the 111 Consiquence of 
the great multitudes of Negroes who Commonly meete 
togeither in a Riott and Tumultious manner on the 
first days of the week above said. 

"3dly. We also present to your consideration the 
great damage the Inhabitants of the Citty Do Dayly 
sustaine by the great loss of their sheepe and other 
Dammage by Reason of the Unnecessary Multitude of 
Doggs that are needlessly kept in the Citty which we 
humbly desire you will Speedily Redress. 

"4thly. We Desire that some speedy care may be 
taken of the prevention of hay and Reed stacks being 
placed in close yards and in fences among the Throngs 
of Buildings which may, if not prevented, prove very 
detrimental to the Citty by Reason of the Causilty 
of fire. 

"5thly. we also present to your consideration, the 

SI 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

great Anoyance that Inhabitants of this Citty doe 
Dayly Receive by Reason of butchers killing their 
meat in the street, and Throughing the blood, Dung and 
Gargdish in the streets, which is very hurtful to the 
health of the said Inhabitants. 

"Also to prevent Negroes from working on the first 
day of the week." 

The Grand Jury of 1703 also had its grist of strange 
presentments. 

"We, of ye Grand Jury for this Citty, Do present 
Alex. Sander paxton and his wife, for Letting a house 
to John Lovet, he being a stranger, and have not Given 
security for the In Damnifieing of the Corporation. 

"We doe also present John Furnis and Thomas 
McCarty, and Thomas Anderson and henery Flower, 
barbers, for Trimming people on first Days of the week, 
commonly called Sunday, contrary to the law in that 
case made and provided. 

" We present John Joyce, Jr., for haveing of to wifes at 
once, which is boath against ye Law of God and Man." 

In 1714 the Grand Jury called attention to the fact 
that Peter Evans had sent to Francis Phillips a "certain 
callenge in writing": 

"Sir You have basely slandered a Gentlewoman 
that I have a profound respect for. And for my part 
shall give you a fair opportunity to defend your self 
to-morrow Morning, on the west side of Jos. Carpenters 
Garden, between seven and 8, where I shall expect to 
meet you Gladio cinctus, in failure whereof depend upon 
the Usage you deserve." 

This document was laid before the Jury, and a 
strange verdict was given: 

"If, upon the whole, the Court do Judge the words 
contained in the said letter to be a challenge. Then we 
do find the said Peter Evans guilty. But if the Court do 
82 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

Judge the words contained in the said letter are no chal- 
lenge. Then we do find the sd Peter Evans not guilty." 

Evidently Francis Phillips did not like the atti- 
tude of city officials in the matter, or in some other 
matter, for the records show that soon afterwards he 
was indicted for attempting to "deprive, annihilate 
and contemn" the Mayor and Recorder by uttering 
"those English words following openly and publicly: 
*Tell the Mayor and Robert Assheton, that they are 
no better than Rogues, Villains and scoundrels; for 
they have not done me justice, and might as well 
have sent a man to pick my pockett or rob my house, 
as to have taken away myserv't." 

By 1717 the Grand Jury, out of patience with such 
scurrilous language, proposed a remedy: 

" WTiereas it has been frequently and^often presented 
by several former Grand Jurys for the City, The 
Necessity of a Ducking Stool and house of Correction, 
for the just punishment of scolding. Drunken women, 
as well as Divers other profligate and Unruly persons 
in this place . . . we . . . Do Earnestly again 
present the same . . . That those publick Conveni- 
ances may not be longer Delay 'd ..." 

The new city was not allowed to wait long for the 
appearance of the ballot stuffer who operated in a 
truly modern way. The date, 1705, and the form of the 
report of the heinous proceeding are archaic, but the 
thing described does not seem so very ancient. The 
record is taken from a petition presented to the 
Provincial Council by Peter Evans, who was the candi- 
date of the Country party at the election in question: 

"Having spent the whole day in the Election of 
Representatives, The Sherriff would and did adjourn 

83 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

till ye next morning, w'''' not being condescended to, the 
Election of Sherriffe came on and upon a view a Candi- 
date was Chosen . . . and the two were put up, one 
whereof was undoubtedly elected and so generally cryd 
out. Whereupon the Country party (among whom lay 
the interests of the last Elected), it being very late, 
withdrew for their severall habitations. After which 
the Townsparty began to be eager for the Box, knowing 
that then they were able to carry on their Clandestine 
Designs (The Sheriffe having long before withdrawn), 
and accordingly amongst themselves they hatched it; 
permitting Serv*^ and all that went for their Cause to 
have their Vote, and objecting against and denying 
others y* had Competent Estates to have any; beside, 
the Method of Electing was contrary to the positive 
Agreem* had, and the Practices used in such cases 
before on that day of . . . nominating only one at 
a time." 

A more serious problem confronted the City Fathers 
within a few years. In 1708 there was anxiety in 
Philadelphia because of the activity along the North 
Atlantic coast of privateers and pirates. It was a 
favorite practice of the freebooters of the sea to lurk 
without the Delaware Capes and pounce on ships from 
Philadelphia as they entered the open ocean. Governor 
John Evans appealed to Lord Cornbury to supply a 
man-of-war to be stationed at Philadelphia, but without 
success. 

A French privateer attempted, in 1709, to land a 
force at Lewes, Delaware. The Governor of the state, 
who was there at the time, fearing that unwary captains 
would sail their vessels into the lion's jaws, sent a 
messenger up the river in a boat, pulled by four sturdy 
rowers. They were instructed to warn every vessel 
84 




SIR WILLIAM KEITH 
(From the portrait by Albert Rosenthal, in Independence Hall) 




HANNAH CALLOWHILL PENN, SECOND WIFE OF WILLIAM PENX 

(From a painting by Henry G. Wright) 




STAIRWAY AT 247 SOUTH SIXTH STREET 




A BIT OF THK OLD LANTERN, CAMAC HOl^SE, 3'2() SOX'TH l^HIKl) STREET 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

they met and not to pause until they reached Phila- 
delphia. To-day such a long pull at the oars, at high 
speed, would cause comment, but in those heroic days 
the journey was lookd on as a matter of course. 

Four years later there was news that supplied the 
text for many excited conversations in the taverns, on 
the streets, and in the houses. Eight seamen arrived 
with a strange story. They said that while they were 
on the way to Jamaica, their captain died. Soon after 
they fell in with another sloop, whose commander 
persuaded them to mutiny. In one of the sloops the 
combined company started on a career of piracy. After 
capturing a ship the eight men deserted and hurried to 
Philadelphia. There they gave themselves up, but 
after hearing their story the Council not only com- 
mended them for their course in yielding themselves, 
but released them from custody. There was a law 
against piracy, but it was felt that in this case justice 
should be tempered with mercy. 

The famous John Teach, or Blackbeard, as he was 
popularly known, was in or near Philadelphia at 
about this time. With bated breath the men on the 
water front told tales of his prowess, only to turn pale 
when they realized, perhaps, that they had been speak- 
ing to the dreaded man himself. He managed to appear 
and disappear in the most uncanny fashion. He seemed 
to bear a charmed life. No one knew when he would 
be on land again after one of his cruises, and no one 
could tell when disaster might come to the city's 
shipping through him. There was therefore great 
relief when finally he was captured and punished. 

The readers of The American Weekly Mercury of 

85 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

March 17, 1720, were treated to a startling story of 
piracy which Andrew Bradford served up for them: 

"The beginning of last Month Arrived in the Capes 
of Virginia, Capt. Knot in a Ship of 150 Tons and 12 
Men from London, the said Capt. within 200 Leagues 
of the Capes, was taken by a Pyrate Ship that was 
lately come from the Coast of Gumey, but last from 
Brasil, man'd with 148 bold Fellows; they took from 
Knot some provision, but restored him the Ship and 
Cargo. The Capt, of the Pyrates Obliged Knot to 
take 8 of his Men on board his Ship, and made him give 
an Obligation under his Hand, that he shiped them on 
Passengers from London, to Virginia. The Pyrates 
Captain gave those Men a Boat, which Boat, Capt. 
Knot was Obliged to let any of them have, when they 
requested, to go from his ship. The pyrates also put 
two Portuguese Prisoners on Board which they had 
taken on the Coast of Brasil, to be set on Shore in 
Virginia. When Knot arrived within the Capes, the 
wind turning Westerly, he came to an Anchor, upon 
which 4 of the Pyrates came to him and required him 
to hoist their boat out." 

The men rowed up the Bay and into "Black River." 
Then they sought a Tavern, "where they might ease 
themselves of their Golden Luggage." 

At the tavern they spent money lavishly, one 
purchasing the freedom of a number of indentured 
English women servants. The price paid was £30. 
Later their extravagance brought them under observa- 
tion, and they were "committed on Suspicion" of 
being pirates "to the County Gaol." 

The other four pirates landed at Hampton en James 
River, where they too, came under suspicion, and were 

arrested. 

86 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

The Portuguese captives later told their story to a 
ship captaili who understood the language. He imme- 
diately took them to the Governor. On their informa- 
tion the eight men were arrested, but at the trial they 
insisted that they had been taken from the coast of 
Guinea and had been forced to become pirates. The 
Portuguese testified that "they appeared as forward in 
Action and were as busy in Plundering as any of the 
Crew." 

The eight men were thereupon sentenced to death. 
Six were executed, but two were reprieved. "They 
died as they lived," the account went on, "nor shewing 
any Sign of Repentance; their Bodies were afterwards 
hanged in Chains. They brought on shore with them 
in Spanish Gold and Gold Dust upward of 1500 Pounds 
sterling. Seven of the Pirates were English Men, the 
other a Mulatto." 

The danger from pirates was at its height in 1722. 
One day in July of that year it was reported that the 
only vessel that had entered the port of Philadelphia 
for a whole week was a sloop that had been plundered 
by a pirate on the outward voyage. All other vessels 
sought safety either by remaining in the port or by 
scurrying away from the Cape, near which lay a pirate 
vessel. 

The vessel owners and captains soon became so 
wary that the pirates would adopt the ruse of entering 
the Capes, flying the English flag. A pilot boat would 
then be signalled and later captured. Pirates would 
then board the pilot boat and, when inbound vessels 
would signal for assistance in entering the river, their 
capture became easy. 

87 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Later Philadelphia took a hand herself in the priva- 
teering game. A number of vessels were fitted out and 
sent to sea to prey on the commerce of the enemies of 
England. The Pennsylvania Gazette of January 21, 
1746, contained an appeal to those who were ready to 
help in one of these ventures: 

"Now fitting out for a Cruizing Voyage against his 
Majesty's Enemies and will Sail in Two Weeks, the 
Ship Pandour, William Dowell, Commander; Burthen 
about 300 Tons; to carry 24 Carriage Guns, nine and 
six pounderss 24 Swivels, and 30 Brass Blundersbusses, 
with 150 Men, is a new Ship, built for a Privateer, and 
every way completely fitted out for that purpose. 

"All Gentlemen Sailors, and others, inclin'd to enter 
on board . . . may repair to the Commander afore- 
said, or to the Sign of the Boatswain and Call, near the 
Draw-Bridge, Philadelphia, [originally the Blue Anchor] 
where the Articles are to be seen and sign'd by those 
who are willing to go the Cruize." 

In 1748 a Spanish brigantine managed to enter the 
Capes by the use of the pilot boat ruse. A sailor of 
one of the captured vessels, learning of the plan to take 
New Castle that night, swam ashore and gave warning. 
The town was saved, but several sloops were captured 
at Reedy Island. 

Word was taken to Philadelphia of the coming of 
the terrible enemy, and the inhabitants decided that 
they could not escape pillage. To be sure, they had 
the sloop-of-war Otter, which had been sent for their 
defence in just such emergencies. But the Otter was 
undergoing repairs. The batteries were taken from the 
sloop and planted near what is now Lombard Street, 

88 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

below Old Swedes Church. Fortunately the enemy took 
warning, and the city heaved a sigh of relief. 

But Philadelphia lawmakers had to contend with 
predatory gentry nearer home. The days when a man 
could safely go to bed leaving valuable property on 
the porch where he had been spending the evening 
were long since past. Burglaries were common, and 
sneak thieves were everywhere. One day in January, 
1767, Neddy Burd, a student at the college in Phila- 
delphia, wrote to his family in Lancaster: 

"There is a nest of Robbers here which make People 
More careful about their Houses. Two Fellowes 
Hagarty & Morrison at Noon Day went into the Street 
Door of the Gov'rs House & stole two Silver Candle- 
sticks out of the Pantry at the other End of the House 
they were happily detected & have received their 
punishment. The same Morrison went into a Tavern- 
keeper's House (before the other thefts) & bore off a 
Man's great Coat from the Back of his Chair while He 
warmed himself at the Fire, but was not catched. The 
same two Fellows & Consiglio & Bowman went into a 
Tavernkeeper's House & Carried off a Mahogany Chest 
full of Player's cloathes from a Room up two Pair of 
Stairs; while the Family were at Supper." 

In the Pennsyvlania Gazette of October 31, 1765, 
a householder whose premises had been violated, 
advertised : 

"Three Pounds Reward. 

"Whereas in the Night, between Smiday and Mon- 
day last, the 27th and 28th instant, the House of Robert 
Moore, Cabinet Maker, was broken open, by cutting a 
Pannel out of the Kitchen Door, whereby they came at 
the Bolt, but this Noise awakening one of the Family, 
who perceiving a Man in the Room, cried out, when he 
immediately ran down Stairs, out of Doors, and over 
the Yard Fence. Then were more men heard below 

89 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Stairs, who, as it appeared, were attempting to force 
open a Desk, but had not Time enough, they carried 
off a lightish coloured superfine Cloth coat, about half 
worn, with white Lining, a fine Beaver Hat, little the 
worse for Wear, Maker's Name John Test, Philadelphia, 
two new Womens Shifts, and a white Apron. The Man 
that was seen had on a Sailor's Jacket and Trowsers. 
Whoever will give Information of the above Things, 
with the Thief or Thieves, so that he or they may be 
convicted, and the Things, recovered, shall receive from 
the subscriber, Three Pounds Reward. 

"Robert Moore." 

Elizabeth Drinker told in her diary for 1781 of 
the operation of another sneak thief : 

"On ye second day of ye yearly meeting as Sally 
and Mary were about dressing, they missed 6 silk 
gowns, all nearly as good as new, which had been taken 
out of a Drawer in ye blue Room, by whom we could 
give no guess, but before night Wm Rush, who is a 
Magistrate, informed us, that six such gowns as we 
described were at Benj'n Paschalls, who is also a Magis- 
trate, they were found on first day morning, thrown 
over a fence, and taken to Paschall's by the Constables, 
who had taken up a woman, who had got privately out 
of Jail on seventh day afternoon, where she had been 
confined many months. She had not been above three 
hours at liberty, before she was taken up and sent back 
for her old misdemeanor." 

Among breaches of the law at this period were 
reckoned bull-baiting, bear-baiting, cock-fighting, bowls, 
billiards and quoits. Stage plays also were prohibited. 
Keith, in "Chronicles of Pennsylvania", tells of a wan- 
dering showman who arrived in Philadelphia and set 
up a stage just below South Street. As this was outside 
the jurisdiction of the city, the Lieutenant Governor 
90 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

was asked to put a stop to the scandalous performance. 
The request was refused, and the play was produced for 
sometime, to the distress of the staid Quakers of the city. 
For many years the Quakers were supreme in city 
political affairs. Most of the early officeholders were 
Friends. One of the most prominent of the Quaker 
mayors was William Hudson, whose political career 
began soon after his marriage to the daughter of one 
who was a leader in city and Provincial life. His 
service as Mayor for the years 1725-26 was remarkable 
for his efforts to alleviate suffering. Thomas Allen 
Glenn gives a pleasing description of him : 

"He was one of the first Philadelphians to work for 
prison reform. He made almost daily visits to the 
prison, endeavoring to lessen the sufferings of the 
wretched inmates, and create in them an ambition 
towards a future useful life. He delighted in hospital 
work and in visiting the sick poor ... In his dress 
he was rather inclined to be as fashionable as a con- 
sistent Quaker could well be. He was usually clad in a 
black velvet suit with large silver buttons, and silver 
shoe-buckles, and carried a long gilt-headed cane, 
with a leather loop and tassel. He appeared in public, 
except when he went to Meeting on First Days, in a 
fine Coach which was valued after his death — although 
then ancient — at £14, being a rare luxury at that time 
. , . He was a stout and successful defender of the 
rights of Quakers to remain with heads covered in the 
courts of justice, and while on the bench kept his own 
fashionable beaver firmly upon his head." 

The peaceful William Hudson, during whose term 
everything seemed to go smoothly, would have held 
up his hands in horror at conditions which led to riot 
the year of his death, 1742. The letter of a friend to 

91 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

William Penn tells the sad story of what was the first 
grave election disorder in the city's history: 

"The law for Chusing Inspectors by the Constables 
in the different Wards being elaps'd, and the Partys 
Not agreeing amongst themselves, tho that of the 
Governours made some fair Offers to the other, the 
Inspectors were to be chosen the old way, of that by 
view, on the day of Election a great number of Dutch 
appear'd for the Quakers, said not to be properly 
qualified they carried all the Inspectors to a man, upon 
this a number of tSailors in all I believe sixty came up to 
the Markett Street with clubs in their hands knock'd 
down all that stood in their way or did not fly before 
them and blood flew plentifully about. M"" Norris as a 
Magistrate went to make peace, and he was knock'd 
down had two severe Wounds on his head & had he not 
crept under the stalls I believe he would have been 
kill'd; old M"^ Pemberton had several smart blows that 
lamed his hand for some time. Tom Lloyd, young 
Fishbourne, Rakestraw, Shad the barber and one Evans 
of North Wales an old Quaker of upwards of 60 years 
were all knock'd down and the last has lost his Senses 
as I am informed by the wounds he rec'd on his head, 
and number of other persons to me unknown shared the 
same Fate, I never saw such havock in my life before 
the Streets & Court house stairs were clear'd in a few 
Minutes, and none but the Sailors crying out down with 
the plain Coats & broad Brims then they took up great 
Stones & Bricks from the Lott you sold by the Meeting 
where the people had begun to bild and broke the Court 
house Windows all to pieces and those that were in the 
house got several Smart blows, at last the Dutch and 
other Country people being inraged return'd in a Body 
with Clubbs, and the Dutch were for getting guns but 
were prevented drove the Sailors before them they 
took to the Shipping and with the assistance of M"^ 
Lawrence who was very active and Charles Willing 
they took 40 of them and sent 'em to Gaol." 
92 



BEGINNINGS OF CITY GOVERNMENT 

Five years after this riot, stirred up in the interest 
of some one who wanted an oflfice, the chief office in the 
city's gift went begging. On October C, 1747, Alderman 
Morris was chosen mayor by the Common Council. 
He was not present, so a committee made up of Charles 
Willing and Samuel Rhoads was appointed to tell him 
of his election. The committee reported that, when 
they went to IVIr. Morris's house they were told by 
his daughter that he was not in the city. Thereupon the 
Council adjourned until afternoon, when they would 
decide what it was best to do. At the afternoon meeting 
" the Recorder informed the Board that he had consult- 
ed the Attorney General, and it was His opinion 
that a written notice should be sent to Alderman 
Morris's House, signifying he was so elected as afore- 
said; and likewise that a Messenger should be dispatched 
into the Country where it was said he was gone, with a 
like notice, and endeavour to procure his assurance 
whether he would serve in the office or not." 

A notice was therefore sent to M[rs. Morris, but she 
refused to receive it. The bearer of the second notice 
reported that he had not succeeded in finding the 
truant Mayor-elect. 

So the Council proceeded to make a second choice, 
and William Atwood was elected Mayor for the next 
year. 

Possibly the fact that the mayor was expected to 
serve without salary made Alderman Morris choose 
to pay a fine rather than serve in an office that took 
time and brought nothing but expense. 

That year the salary of the mayor was fixed at £100. 
In 1796 this was raised to $1000, and in 1805 to $2000. 

93 



IV 
GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

Whaling and Whalemen — He Wanted Hts Ship Insured — Stephen 
Girard's Rise to Power — A Physician Who Cured all, His Patients 
— The Goldsmith's Accounts — Why Bryan O Hara Increased His 
Charges — Difficulties of Trade During the Revolution — 
Robert Morris in Financial Difficulties — Humor m the Prison 

ONE is startled to find in William Penn's "Further 
Account of Pennsylvania" a paragraph that 
speaks of an industry that in the minds of most 
people could not be connected with PhiladelpLa. 
He said: 

"Mighty Whales roll upon the Coast, near the 
mouth of the Bay of Delaware. Eleven caught and 
workt into Oyl one season. We justly hope a consider- 
able profit by a Whalery, they being so numerous and 
the Shore so suitable." 

Later in the same document he quotes from a letter 
written to him in August, 1685, by one of the residents 
of Philadelphia: 

"I do imderstand three Companies for Whale 
Catching are designed to fish in the River Mouth this 
season." 

For many years whaling was a profitable pursuit, 
and even as late as 1814, the unwieldy denizen of the 
deep was not a stranger to Philadelphia. On December 
3 of that year an announcement was given publicity, 
which told the people of the city by the Delaware: 
94 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

"The Whale which was harpooned and taken by 
four barges after an arduous chase of three days, in the 
river Delaware, near Trenton Bridge, will for a few 
days be exliibited near the High Bridge, Kensington. 
This whale is believed to be of the familiar species 
called the Spermacetti Whale. It has been viewed 
by several efficient Whale Fishers, and all agreed that 
notwithstanding his great size and extraordinary 
strength of frame and muscle, he is a young Whale. 
. . . It may never occur that the present generation 
may have an opportunity of gratifying a laudable 
curiosity at so little trouble, and so trifling an expense 
as they now can. The Whale is pickled, and in as 
pure a state, as the day it was caught." 

The business acumen that led some of the early 
colonists to go after whales and taught a later resident 
of the city to make capital out of a "pickled whale," 
was a characteristic of Philadelphia's merchants from 
the beginning of the city's history. They knew how 
to turn their hands to anything and to make profit 
wherever they turned. 

The ledger of Judge William Trent — for whom 
Trenton was named — shows that he was "a shipping 
merchant and a ship owner, a dealer in or handler 
of cord-wood, wine, brandy, rum, pottery, flour, bran, 
tobacco, bread, salt, molasses, tallow, cordage, powder, 
servants, corn, butter, negroes staves, blankets, 
*oyl,' wampum, yam, insurance, exchange notes, 
'orders,' real estate, ships, horses, cows, knives, anchors, 
and dry goods. In 1703 he handled 282,018 hundred- 
weight of tobacco and 2579 skins, besides the furs 
and skins of 48 elk, 1269 deer, 101 beaver, 104 otter, 
1381 raccoon, 1209 bear, 752 fox and wolf, 687 mink 
and marten, 738 muskrats and 330 "sundries." 

95 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Most of these goods were sent out of the country, 
for his chief business was supplying cargoes from Phila- 
delphia and receiving cargoes sent to the city in return. 
It is said that he had an interest varying from one- 
sixth to the whole in every "voyage" or "venture" 
that came to or went out of that part of Philadelphia 
in 1703. 

An associate of Judge Trent was the William 
Hudson who became mayor in 1725. To his work as a 
tanner — he owned a number of tanneries in and near 
the city — he added that of the ship owner and ship- 
ping merchant. For nearly fifty years he was one 
of the city's leaders in business. 

As early as 1710 Philadelphia's water front was 
a busy place. Richard Castleman, "Gent.," who came 
to town during that year, said: 

"There are several coves and docks where large 
ships are built; and by a moderate computation there 
have been loaded from the stocks of the city . . . 
more than 300 sail of ships, besides small craft, which 
may in some sort give us an idea of the opulency of 
the place." 

For many years much of the wealth was tied up 
in vessels and their cargoes. At one time one merchant 
controlled or owned twenty vessels, ships, brigantines, 
schooners, and sloops. In these vessels he received rum 
and sugar from Barbadoes, linen from Liverpool, rice 
from South Carolina, wine from Madeira, and spirits 
from Jamaica; and he sent muskets, pistols, cutlasses 
and gunpowder to Jamaica, onions to Antigua, and 
chocolate to Virginia. 

A letter sent to "M^ Wharton" from New York, 
96 



Tr/ENT TSHTLLIN G S. 
THIS ©^5:-<^Jha\\ . 

Curri«l fir TWENTY SwllLlVf 

'u.it'rin tbt Prmiinct of Pctifylvania 

ttt iht ^zJ year 
tf tht Rfign of 

Hmg G E O R C E 

' i . DattaApn\ t 









'r%iiJA4^'>^^^f^, 



vrnm^^^mmmm^ 



CURRENCY OF THE 1'K(>\'1NCE OF PENNSYLVANIA, 1759 




STEPHEN CIRARD AT HIS DESK 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

dated January 28, 1756, indicates that a large business 
in ship insurance must have been done here. The 
letter was written by a vessel owner who wished to 
make a better bargain in insuring a ship that had been a 
long time on its way than he had any right to expect 
to make. He asked Mr. Wharton to advise him what 
" Insheurence "could be made on *' ye Schoonev Margref* 
From hence to ye Coast of Affrica & From thence 
for Barbadus, for advice, if no warr from Barbadus 
to Charlestown, S° Carolina — If a warr to sell at 
Barbadus, or proceede to Jamaca.'* He added the 
information that the vessel sailed on November 16, 
1755, that she was "mounted with 4 CaregeGunns & 
5 Swival*^ Blunderbuses, a Sofishent quantity of 
muskets & Ammonisen." He wanted £1000 Inshuerence 
made on Vessel and Cargoe — but he was unwilling to 
pay more than a modest premium. 

Ship builders as well as ship owners had an eye to 
the main chance. An early advertisement offered 
for sale "the ship Ocean, copper fastened and copper 
sheathed to the bends, and ready for an Indian voyage 
or any other voyage." To this announcement was 
added the information that the vender had for sale 
"a few pipes of old high-flavored 4*^ proof Charante 
brandy." 

The story of a ship of that day from the stocks 
through the various voyages that helped to fill the 
coffers of its owner is suggestive. There is, for instance, 
the record of Stephen Girard's ship Good Friends.^ 



lAn illustration in color of this vessel will be found in the second 
volume of "The Life and Times of Stephen Girard" by John Bach 
McMaster, J, B. Lippincott Company, 1918. 

97 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

She was bought, a wreck, in 1792. "WTien rebuilt 
she was of 246 tons and carried twenty guns. In 1793 
she went to Bordeaux where she was held because of 
the embargo. In 1795 she was again at Philadelphia. 
Later voyages were made to Hamburg, Amsterdam, 
Bordeaux, Isle of France, and Leghorn. In 1806 she 
was boarded by a British privateer. In 1808 she was 
laid up on account of the Long Embargo. In 1809 she 
sailed for Gothenburg but was captured by a Danish 
privateer. She was released a year later. In 1811 
Girard sent her to England. In 1812 she put in at 
Amelia Island, off the coast of Florida. Later she was 
seized by United States Customs authorities for viola- 
tion of the Non-Importation law. Suit was entered 
against the owner for $915,000. Then she went to 
Charleston for cotton destined for Europe. On her 
capture by the British she has sold to Barings for 
£3000, but after the close of the war they offered to 
resell her to Girard. He was unable to buy *' that favor- 
ite vessel," because of the impossibility of obtaining 
register 

But the story of Stephen Girard himself is far more 
interesting than that of any of his ships. In May, 
1776, while on his way home to France, in a ship of 
which he was master as well as part owner, a storm 
drove him into Delaware Bay. A pilot was secured, 
and the vessel was taken to safety just in time to escape 
the British fleet. Captain Girard had no money then 
current in Philadelphia, so he borrowed from a stranger 
the amount of the pilot's fee. Thus the future phil- 
anthropist came on borrowed money to the city which 
was later to benefit by his gifts. 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

Disposing of his vessel, he engaged in commerce. 
On October 27, 1778, he took the oath of allegiance 
to the country that had received him so graciously. 
At the time he was living at Mt. Holly, New Jersey. 
Return to the city became possible in 1779. A vessel 
was built for him and sea ventures were once more 
undertaken. 

In 1791 and 1792 he built six new ships, marvels 
of speed, which were at once employed in trade to all 
parts of the world. The extent of the commerce is 
indicated thus by Ingram in his biography of Girard : 

*'A ship would sail with a cargo of cotton and grain 
for Bordeaux, where it would reload with fruit and wine 
for Saint Petersburg, and there discharge this cargo, 
replacing it with hemp and iron. In turn this would 
be sold in Amsterdam for specie, laden with which the 
ship would sail for Calcutta and Canton, where tea, 
silks, and East India goods would be bought for the 
return voyage to Philadelphia." 

The list of exports from Philadelphia in the years 
following 1765 is surprising. They included wheat, 
flour, bread, stoves and beading, corn, iron, soap, flax 
seed, furs, lard, butter, beef, pork, walnut logs, deer- 
skins, potash, brown sugar, loaf sugar, "melasses,'* 
wine, oil, rum, fish, candles, chocolate, salt, cotton, 
wool, leather, rice, coaches, chariots, chaises, sulkys, 
wagons, wheelbarrows, drays, ploughs, barrows, pumps, 
boats, carts, saddletrees, cartridges, stoves, bricks, lime, 
tobacco, indigo, turpentine, paper, pasteboard. Of 
course the quantity of some of the products was quite 
small. Before the Revolutionary War many things 
were shipped as raw material to foreign markets, and 

99 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

were later returned in a manufactured state. But 
after the war much of the raw material was manufac- 
tured at home, and the finished production sent abroad. 

Philadelphia merchants did a large business with 
the country districts, in spite of the fact that trans- 
portation arrangements were of the crudest. Fre- 
quently a visitor to the city was entrusted with all 
sorts of commissions to the stores, or a resident would 
be asked by some country cousins to give freely the 
benefit of his leasure for a trip to the markets. Before 
the Revolution Neddy Burd, of Lancaster, who was 
attending the college which later became part of 
the University of Pennsylvania, sometimes had so 
many commissions given to him that his studies must 
have suffered. Once he was asked to get for Granny 
yarn, "as near the color of the sample as could be got." 
Then he was asked to secure lemons and a Gloucester 
cheese. He succeeded in buying the last cheese on 
sale in the city, so he wrote home, "Unless this had 
been secured you must have waited for English cheese 
until the agreement of our merchants about Non- 
Importation should be dissolved by a Repeal of the 
Revenue Act." His grandfather took his turn by asking 
him to procure such necessary things as a bottle of 
red ink, twenty-five gallons of molasses and a lot of 
salmon. 

Among the records of business and professional 
life in the city some of the most curious are the bills 
of physicians. One of these, dated 1717, and made 
out by Doctor Jones to John Russell, was remarkable 
for the fact that all the charges were for cures. There 
were eight of these charges, some of them being: "To 
100 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

curing his Seruant's knee, £l;" "To curing his mans 
foot," 4 shilHngs; "To curing his daughter's foot," 
3 shillings; "To curing his Sons sore Eye," 3 Shillings. 
Surely no man could object to paying a bill like that ! 

Dr. Benjamin Rush presented to the estate of John 
Lukens a bill whose greatest peculiarity was that it 
covered items for three years, from 1773 to 1776. 
The charge of a goldsmith in 1734 included a silver 
thimble and topping another, making a milk pot, 
" Soydering a Tankard and Beading out ye Bruises," a 
set of Breeches Buttons, a cham and strainer for Tea 
Pot, a Soup Spoon, making and mending a Scizzor 
Chain. ' \ '• ; " 

Unless the goldsmith was an exception, bills ran 
a long time and were very seldom paid in full. Rem- 
nants of the charge remained for years. 
'. There were not lacking in the city men who felt 
that training and experience in London was a great 
recommendation. In 1746 a stone mason advertised 
thus: 

"At the new Marble Shop, at the sign of the Mason's 
Arms in Arch Street, Philadelphia, are sold Chimney- 
Pieces, Slabs for Hearths, Monuments, Fonts for 
Churches, Tombstones and Head-stones, with all sorts 
of Marble Work, by George Harrison, who serv'd a 
regular Apprenticeship to that Business and followed 
it for several years in London." 

To this advertisement was appended an "N.B.'* 

"The said George Harrison was imploy'd by several 
Gentlemen in England as a Surveyor, in the Designing, 
Making Draughts of, and superintending their Build- 
ings: and having had very considerable Practice there, 
is also desirous to serve any Gentlemen in these Parts, 
that may have Occasion for any Thing in that Way." 

101 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Those who made out the bills for goods sold a hun- 
dred and fifty years ago and more must have had 
ample leisure as well as a rich fund of good humor. 
Thomas Livezey, on June 29, 1764, sent to Thomas 
Wharton a message that ought to have brought a 
prompt remittance, and without any claim for abate- 
ment: 

"Respected Friend I've Sent thee bran 
As Neat & Clean as any Man 
I've took Great Pains for fear of Loss 
to thee in foundering of thy Horse 
It's ground With Bur, and Ground so nice 
it Looks as if 'twas bolted twice 
But that's Nomatter Since it's such 
thy man can't ever feed tomuch 
I mean Can't founder it he wou'd. 
I've took Such pains to Make it Good 
Nor will it Ever Dust his Cloaths 
Nor give the Horse a Mealy Nose 
And further in its praise I'le say 
t'will Never Make him Runaway 
but if on this alone he's fed 
a Child may hold him with a thread, 
feed freely then Nor be in Doubt 
I'le send thee More when this is out." 

"It is thirty bushells I have sent thee, and Not- 
withstanding the Labour and Care I have taken to 
oblige thee which the bran itself will testify to anyone 
Who is a Judge I have charged only 15 pr. bushel — 
Lower than Can Wellbe afforded; but I shall not re- 
gard that as it is to a friend — it May appear to thee 
perhaps that I have Said Rather tomuch in praise of 
the bran yet upon Examination I think it will appear 
[illegible] for if it Don't fully answer the Description I 
102 




Ki )HKKIS S MILL 




'■4 '^' P- 




HK.il > I KIL I \l \KKET 
(Froiii the c-ugiaviut; by Birch) 




A BIT OF OLD rHILADELrillA 
(Camac Street, "the Little Street of Clubs") 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

have Given it I should Not be unwilling to make some 
abatement in price — this from thy Most Respectfull 
& Sincere friend Thomas Livezey." 

A bill of another sort was sent to Thomas Wharton 
by Bryan O'Hara, who, instead of talking of an abate- 
ment in charge, gave notice of an increase. Perhaps 
this was due to the troubled politics of the day, for the 
bill was sent in 1774. It was for "one year's Sheaving 
and dressing your Wigs," and the amount was 
£2.0.0. To the bill was appended this note: 

"Sir I take this method of informing you, that I 
think the above too little for doing your business ^/s** 
of my customers pays me three pounds a year and does 
not get quite so much done, for instance Messrs John 
Reyne & John Bringhurst pays it, wou'd be much 
obliged to you to consider it, for the Ensuing Year, 
I am Sir your H'ble Serv* Bryan O Hara." 

Elliott Duncan, who, in 1767, had a shop "nearly 
opposite Christ Church, " was as brief in advertising 
his goods as Livezey was verbose in his bill. He con- 
tented himself with stating that he carried "a neat and 
General Assortment of both Wet and Dry Goods," 
including Muslin, Cambrick, Lawn, Chintzes, Poplins, 
Shalloons, Calicoes, Calimancoes, Durants and Tas- 
umies, Oznabrigs, Sattin, Peelong, Figured, and Plain 
Scarcenet and Modes Taffaties." 

The day book of David Evans is exceedingly in- 
teresting because of the variety of his goods, the amount 
of his charges, and the character of his customers. 
Here are some sample items: 

1774, Sept. 12. Clement Biddle, 1 Mahogany Sofa, £5. 
177G, July 20. United States of America, 161 sets of 

103 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Tent Poles 4/6 each. August 12, Charles Thomson, 
a Reading Desk for Congress, £1.5. 
November 29. Making Benches for the Jew 
Synagogue. 

1777, Jany 16. Ornamenting Brig. Gen. Mercer's Coffin 
with plate and handles and attendance at funeral, 
£5. 

July 4. Charles Thomson, 1 large writing Table, 
£2.1.3. 

1778, Feb. 26. Lieut. Hoysted 64th Regt., making a 
box for camp equipage. 

1779, July 14. Estate George Ross, Esqr. Mahogany 
Coffin, inscription plate, handles & case, £175 
(continental currency). 

1781, May 12. Library Company of Philadelphia. 

Making and Staining a frame. 
1781, July 19. Capt. Audubon. Making a house for 

his Squirrels. 

1785, April 4. State Lottery. Making 6 boxes. 

1786, January 9. Dr. Boss, Making a Walnut Medicine 
Chest. £5.12. 

April 8. Ordered by Michael Gratz small planed 
boards on which to make cakes for the Passover 
for Jewish Congregation. 

1787, May 27. Made a sign for a man at corner Market 
and Sixth street — ^the sign of y® Greyhoimd. ' 
Sept. 4. Hon. John Penn. Making a Walnut 
Coffin for Sabina Francis, a servant of his Uncle 
Thomas Penn, late Proprietor, £6. 

1789, June 29. Dr. Ewing, Made a large Mahogany 
clock Case for the University of Pennsylvania, £11. 

1790, December 9. Philadelphia County Commissioners 
— 6 Venetian Blinds for Congress, with plain fronts 
in Senate Chamber and Committee Room in 
County Court House, at £4.10 each. 9 ditto for 
Arch windows down stairs in the House of Repre- 
sentatives of U. S. at £6 each. 

104 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

1791, October 31. John Adams, Vice President, 2 
Mahogany Boards, to fix Chesters, repairing Dining 
Table. £10.0. 

1791, December 9. Bank of the United States. Making 
a Clock case for the Directors Room, £4. 

1792, April 18. Spanish IVIinister. Repairing a Card 
table. 

1796. United States of America, making platform in 
Congress Hall larger and hanging 2 Doors, £3.15. 

1799, November 9. Dr. Benjamin Rush, to making 1 
Mahogany Bureau Table, £7.1 as a compensation 
for my son Evan Evans' ticket of admission attend- 
ing his lectures for 1798. 

1801, July 21. Shipped on the sloop Highland, for Gen. 
Dearborn, 16 Venetian Blinds for the War Office, 
Washington, D. C. $9^ pr. Blind. 

1803, June 30, United States. 6 Venetian Blinds for 
the Captain's Cabin of frigate Philadel'phia. Capt. 
Bainbridge, $48. 

It will be seen that several of the charges made 
above are for the making of furniture, a craft for which 
Philadelphia was noted. Museums and private collec- 
tions testify today that elaborate and beautifully carved 
pieces were made for the discriminating and appre- 
ciative as culture and worth increased, as well as large 
quantities of rather simpler but handsome furniture 
for those of lesser means but equal taste. 

In those days, too, architecture was accounted a 
necessary part of a liberal education, and that such 
knowledge was deeply grounded will be realized when it 
is remembered that the State House, Christ Church and 



^ In November 1800, John Inskeep, who was elected mayor on 
October 21, 1800, put in operation in Philadelphia the new method of 
computation in dollars and cents. 

105 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

St. Peter's were all designed by Philadelphia men and 
executed by its master-carpenters. 

The difficulties of merchants during the Revolu- 
tion are illustrated by the experiences of J. Peters, 
as revealed in a letter written to Francis Oberlin, a 
Bethlehem merchant, on August 24, 1779 : 

"The blind way of trade puts me at a stand. I 
cannot pm-chase any Coffee without taking to one bill 
a tierce of Claret & sour, & at £6.8 per gall. Sugar I 
may purchase at about the hmited price, & that is the 
only article that can be brought. I have been trying 
day for day, & never could get a grain of Coffee so as 
to sell it at the limited price these six weeks. It may 
be bought, but at about 25/ per lb. Then it is very 
dangerous to get it out of town ; for the least triple you 
must produce your bill, & swear that you have given 
no more, & made no presents, neither that you intend 
to make any presents after you have a certificate or 
permit. Some time ago I might have sent wagons out 
of town, & never have been stopped, but that time is 
over. Should you want sugar, I will buy for you, but 
I think you'd better wait till this Committee is broke. 
It cannot last long, for we must all very soon shut up 
stores and starve." 

But after the signing of the treaty of peace business 
improved. One of the evidences was the increased 
demand for conveyance. Quarrier & Hunter, the 
city's leading carriage builders, had a shop on Filbert 
Street, between Seventh and Eighth Streets. Not 
only did they have many local patrons, but they 
numbered among their customers the ministers of 
France and Holland, as well as officers of the navy and 
army. They were manufacturers of coaches, chariots, 
chaises, phaetons, sulkies, "sociables." These were 

106 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

finished in olive, black, yellow, drab, green, brown, 
or purple. 

On the day books of the firm the following charges 
were made: 

1780. The French Minister: Painting body of 
phaeton, borders, and moulding, cypher and flowers; 
painting Coach. 

John Adams : Painting phaeton and coach, and three 
cyphers in gilt. 

1781.1 'John Adams: Painting chair, phaeton and 
carriage and ornaments. 

1782. President of Congress: Painting arms on 
coach, cleaning and varnishing. 

1783. Thomas Jefferson: Painting phaeton green, 
crests on the back. 

Robert Morris: Painting chariot olive green, cheek 
vermilion, and gilding. 

Robert Morris was at the time of this charge at 
the height of his prosperity. But a few years later he 
became involved in financial difficulties through too 
sanguine investments in real estate. After struggling 
for years to extricate himself he was arrested for debt 
on February 15, 1798. George Eddy made the com- 
plaint against him that led to the crisis. Of him 
Morris spoke in a letter to a friend : 

"I am here in the custody of a sheriff's officer. 
George Eddy is the most hardened villain God ever 
made. I believe if I had bank bills to pay him with he 
would refuse them on the ground of their not being 
legal tender. " 

The next day the writer was taken to the debtor's 
apartment of the old Prune Street Prison, where he was 
confined until August 26, 1801. 

107 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

But the imprisonment did not crush the man to 
whom the country owed so much and was repaying 
so httle. On March 13, less than a month after his 
arrest, in a letter to his unfortunate partner, John 
Nicholson, after speaking of Dr. Benjamin Say, whose 
notes to him had not been paid, he wrote : 

"When Doctors of Physick instead of their pills 
Become dealers in Paper, not Bank notes or Bills, 
Intent on their gains they lie without fear. 
That Morris or Nicholson caught by the ear 
Can by this Touch Stone on any one day 
Detect lying Lusty, or, unconscionable. Say." 

Charles Henry Hart says of the patriot, who lay 
for long months in the debtors' prison : 

"The country for whose independence, safety and 
salvation he had pledged and given his private fortune 
in the hour of its deepest depression and most desperate 
need, forgot him when adversity crowded upon him, 
and neither by word, act, or deed, helped to alleviate 
the burden of his unfortunate situation. The Congress 
which, without his aid, never would have had an exist- 
ence to hold a session, sat within the shadow of his 
prison walls but lifted not a voice or a hand to save 
him." 

It is pleasant to know that in 1798 Washington 
called on his old associate in the prison, and that when 
Mrs. Morris and her daughter were visiting in Virginia 
he and Mrs. Washington sent to them a joint letter 
inviting them to go to Mt. Vernon. In this letter 
they asked her to "be assured we ever have and still 
do retain the most affectionate regard for you, and 
Mr. Morris and the family." 

On April 4, 1800, Congress passed the first bank- 
ruptcy act of the United States, and on July 28, 1801, 
108 



GLIMPSES OF BUSINESS LIFE 

a commission of bankruptcy was issued, upon the 
petition of John H. Huston, a creditor of Robert 
Morris. Four weeks later proof was made of debts 
amounting to $3,000,000. At once Morris was released. 
Next day he wrote, "I obtained my liberty last evening, 
and had the inexpressible satisfaction to find myself 
again returned to my own home and family." 

Early in December following the proceedings of 
Bankruptcy were concluded. "I now find myself a 
free citizen of the United States," he said, "without 
one cent that I can call my own." 

Not a stain rests on the name of Robert Morris. 
He was unfortunate but he conducted himself through- 
out his misfortune in such a way that the honor in 
which he was held even increased. In spite of his 
failure for a sum that was large for those days his 
record adds to the glory of Philadelphia business fife. 



109 



V 

SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

The Charming Women of Old Philadelphia — Joseph Shippen's Tribute 
TO Social Leaders — What a Young Man Required of His Sister — 
A Mouse in Her Night Cap — Why the Kiss was Disagreeable — 
Rules of the Dance — The Governor's Predicament — The Cere- 
mony OF the Spoon — The Joys of Sleigh-riding and Serenading — 
A DiNTJER AT President Washlngton's Mansion 

PHILADELPHIA'S social life has long been 
famous for its unusual combination of exclu- 
siveness and warmth, conservatism and open- 
mindedness, self-sufficiency and generous hospitality. 
And the women who for generations have given tone 
to this social life have helped to give the city a good 
name and have added to its fame. 

Even early travelers and visitors spoke with en- 
thusiasm of the charming women of the city; in fact, 
some of them found difficulty in expressing their grati- 
fication and delight in the presence of the fair daughters 
of the city. 

Witness William Black's extravagant language, from 
a letter written in 1744: 

"In the Evening I made haste to the Rendezvous 
of the Fair, much Elated with the Thoughts of Spending 
a few hours so agreeably as I propos'd in the Company 
I was going to make one in: On coming to the Place 
I found the Lady had been punctual to the Appoint- 
ment : I was lucky enough not to be Engaged with any 
more but the young Lady of the House, and her Ac- 
quaintance my Favorite; In a very little time I found 
no 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

my self alone with the latter. On which to improve my 
Acquaintance and the Opportimity, I broached a 
Serious Discourse with her which was not carried on 
long before I found her a person to whom Nature had 
been as bountifull in Regard to her Mind, as I before 
observ'd she had been Carefull of her Body; to be short. 
What with her Y/it and Quickness of Expression, Join'd 
to the Influence of her Beauty and manner of Behaviour, 
I was Possess'd with a Pleasure much easier felt than 
Describ'd, and can only be Imagin'd by those, who 
know what it is to Enjoy the Company of a Woman 
Every Way Agreeable." 

On another occasion he said: 

"I am no Painter, Neither do I pretend to any thing 
that way, yet I cannot pass by this Lady, without 
giving you a Rough Draught of her. I cannot say that 
she was a Regular Beauty, but she was such that few 
cou'd find any fault with what Dame Nature had done 
for her. She was of the Middle Size (which I think is 
the Stature that best becomes the sex), very well 
Shap'd: her Eyes were Black, full of fire, and well Slit, 
they had something in them Remarkably Languishing, 
and seem'd to Speak the Softness of a Soul Replete 
with Goodness, her Eye-brows black and finely Arcli'd, 
her Nose was well turn'd, and of a Just Bigness, and 
her Mouth was Neither wide nor very little, with Lips 
of a fine Red, and when they moved discovered two 
Rows of Teeth wliite as Ivory and Regularly well Set; 
her Forehead round and Smooth, as for her Hair, it 
was a Shining black, but noways harsh. Her Neck, 
her Arms, and Hands seem to have been made and 
fitted for her Face, which was of a Complection made 
up of the Lilly and the Rose." 

A quieter description, but one fully as pleasing, 

was given by John H. B. Latrobe, of his mother, the 

wife of Benjamin H. Latrobe, the architect cf the 

111 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Capitol at Washington, and the daughter of Isaac 
Hazlehurst, the partner of Robert Morris. The oc- 
casion of the description was a social function where 
Mrs. Latrobe had attracted great attention. The 
loyal son said : 

" She was a very tall woman, five feet, eight inches, 
and had always been celebrated for the beauty of her 
figure. Her face was in no ways remarkable. She had 
been a leading belle in Philadelphia, and had the air of 
a woman of fashion of that day. On this occasion, she 
was dressed in white satin with a long train, and wore a 
turban of spangled muslin with a gold crescent, fasten- 
ing a heron's upright plume." 

But perhaps one of the most pleasing pictures of 
some of the belles of old Philadelphia was penned by 
Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Shippen. After looking 
at some of the sparkling faces before him at the Dancing 
Assembly of 1769 he wrote, while yet in the Assembly 
room: 

"In lovely White's most pleasing form, 
What various graces meet! 
How blest with every striking charm! 
How languishingly sweet! 

"With just such elegance and ease 
Fair, Charming Swift appears; 
Thus Willing, while she lives, can please, 
Thus Polly Franks endears. 

"A female softness, manly sense. 

And conduct free from art. 

With every pleasing excellence. 

In Inglis charm the heart. 

112 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

"But see! Another fair advance, 
With love commanding all; 
See! happy in the sprightly dance, 
Sweet, smiling fair M'Call. 

"Each blessing which indulgent Heaven 
On mortals can bestow. 
To thee enchanting maid is given. 
Its masterpiece below. 

"In Sally Coxe's form and face. 
True index of her mind, 
The most exact of human race 
Not one defect can find. 

"Thy beauty every breast alarms. 
And many a swain can prove 
That he who views your conquering charms, 
Must soon submit to love. 

"With either Chew such beauties dwell 
Such charms by each are shared, 
No critic's judging eye can tell 
Which merits most regard. 

" 'Tis far beyond the painter's skill 
To set their charms to view; 
As far beyond the poet's quill. 
To give the praise that's due." 

Thomas Willing Balch, in quoting this tribute in 
rhyme in his history of the Philadelphia Assembly, 
explains that the references in the stanzas are to Mary 
Wtite, sister of Bishop White, who became the wife 
of Robert Morris; Alice Swift; Abigail Willing, daughter 
of Charles Willing; Polly Franks, daughter of David 
Franks; Katherine Inglis, who lived for fifty years on 

113 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Pine Street, opposite St. Peter's Church; Mary McCall; 
Sally Coxe, who married Andrew Allen, Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the Province of Pennsylvania; and 
the three oldest daughters of Benjamin Chew, Mary, 
Anna Maria, and Elizabeth. 

The picture of a belle who flourished years later 
was given in form far less attractive by Miss Margaret 
Cary, of Boston. After a visit to Woodlands in 1815 
she said: 

"But Molly Hamilton — I will say it though I 
should have the whole sisterhood at my ears — is a 
complete old maid. She is, however, a very energetic 
character. After the death of a married sister, she 
took upon herself the entire care of her nieces, who are 
now, I am told, fine girls. , . . She was very civil, 
and pressed me to come again. She goes out every 
morning and stays till three o'clock, walks about 
without any regard to the weather, and presents as 
plain an appearance as one of us going into the garden 
to pick peas. It rained all the time we were there, but 
she used no umbrella, and seemed to defy the weather. 
Do you think we brought home any of the beautiful 
flowers which were growing in great abundance.'' Not 
a leaf." 

The ideas of the day as to what constituted charm in 
a young woman were sometimes startling. In a number 
of The American Museum for 1798 there is quoted 
a letter which a young man wrote to his sister in 1788. 
His rather exacting requirements were set forth in the 
stilted language of the day: 

"Be, my dear girl, as assiduous to cultivate your 
understanding, to improve your mind, to acquire every 
truly female and elegant accomplishment, as you 
would be, if you had not one single recommendation 
to our favour besides. Beauty of person may catch us 
114 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

at iSrst; but the beauties of the mind can alone secure 
any conquest worth making. , . . Neatness and 
elegance is what you ought principally to have in 
view; everything beyond that must be left in a great 
measure to your own taste, and the fashions of the day, 
which as long as they are not inconsistent with decency, 
ought in some measure to be regarded. ... If a girl 
devotes that time which ought to be employed in more 
important concerns to the care of her person, . . . 
she then becomes the just object of our ridicule and 
contempt, be her dress what it will. But from this 
folly, I am confident, my lovely girl is secure: she 
will always have too just an opinion of her own merit, 
to think it depends on those external appendages which 
she puts on and off every day at pleasure: . . . nor 
will she ever forget that 'True loveliness needs not 
the foreign aid of ornament, but is when unadorned, 
adorned the most.' . . . 

" I would wish you possessed of undefiled and benev- 
olent rehgion, which descends from heaven, and refines 
and purifies the human heart ... I would wish you 
to be unaffectedly modest, without prudery, chearful, 
easy, and forcible, . . . affable and frank, without 
ever forgetting that dehcate reserve, absolutely neces- 
sary to support the dignity of your character, . . . 
well acquainted with books, without a pedantic display 
of your knowledge, sensible, without aiming at the 
character of a wit ... all these blended and inter- 
mingled with that softness, that gentleness, and that 
tenderness peculiar to your sex." 

But such a delineation of an ideal character is 
certainly far preferable to the sarcastic "Instruction 
to Fine Ladies'* which a contributor sent to a number 
of the same magazine : 

"Let a young lady, who is looking for a husband, 
be very careful not to promise or deny any suitor — it 

115 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

is vastly delightful to keep a company of admirers, 
fawning, flattering, swearing, kneeling, and so forth — 
a blush is requisite now and then to prevent any false 
insinuations of those envious maidens who may call you 
a coquette; and dear sir may be said once or twice in the 
day, to remove the disgusting title of a prude. . . . 
When invited to a card party you must declare yourself a 
very bad player; . . . should they be very cross to you 
during the evening effect a laugh now and then; . . . 

"If kind nature has bestowed its enchanting gift of 
voice, and that you can sing prettily, you may assume 
some airs — let the company press till they are almost 
weary, and whenever it is afiirmed by any person that 
you can sing you may insist upon it that you cannot — 
this is a great proof of good manners. 

"If nature has denied you that harmonious gift, 
never give the company the trouble of asking twice. . , . 

"Are you to see your lover? never take notice of 
him. Speak to every gentleman but him. . . . 

"To go to church every Sunday morning and even- 
ing, is very necessary: to old ladies and gentlemen it 
conveys good ideas . . . 

"It is necessary that you get by heart a few lines 
of poetry, out of Pope or Dryden, to introduce upon 
any subject ... it will convince the company that 
you have read these fine bards." 

In the effort to make themselves attractive, the 
belles of the city, in the days following the Revolution, 
imitated the women of France in their method of fixing 
their hair. Timothy Pickering in a letter to his wife 
written about 1778, told of what seemed to him a 
great enormity: 

"I mentioned to you the enormous head-dresses of 
the ladies here. The more I see, the more I am dis- 
pleased with them. 'Tis surprising how they fix such 
loads of trumpery on their polls; and not less so that 

116 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

they are by any one deemed ornamental. The Whig 
ladies seem as fond of them as others. I am told by a 
French gentleman they are in the true French taste, 
only that they want a very few long feathers. The 
married ladies, however, are not all infected. One of 
the handsomest (General Mifflin's lady) I have seen in 
the State does not dress her head higher than was 
common in Salem a year ago. But you know, my dear, 
I have odd, old fashioned notions. Neither powder 
nor pomatum has touched my head this twelve month, 
not even to cover my baldness. The latter I find a 
very common thing, now men have left off their wigs." 

In like manner John H. B. Latrobe, in 1796, told 
of the ladies of his day who on their heads built up 
magnificent structures, works of art, which could not 
be done away with, but remained so built for some time, 
with dire results in some cases, as, for instance, when 
a mouse got into the nightcap of one belle, giving 
her a dreadful fright. Evidently the mouse was attracted 
by the pomatum used in building the headdress. 

It is hardly fair to say that the custom of having 
such stately headdresses was due entirely to French 
influence, for in 1773 Sarah Eve wrote: 

*'In the morning Dr. Shippen came to see us. What 
a pity it is that the Doctor is so fond of kissing; he really 
would be much more agreeable if he were less fond. 
One hates to be always kisse i, especially as it is attended 
with so many incouvenierces, it decomposes the econ- 
omy of one's hankerchief, it disorders one's high Roll, 
and it ruffles the serenity of one's countenance; in short 
the Doctor or a sociable kiss is many times worse than 
a formal salute with bowing and curtseying to 'this is 
IVIr. Such-an-one and this Miss What-do-you-call-her.' 
'Tis true this confuses one no little but one gets the 
better of that, sooner than to readjust one's dress." 

117 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

But long before the days of Sarah Eve there was 
earnest discussion in and around Philadelphia as to the 
evil of just such adornments as were disarranged by 
Dr. Shippen's polite salutes. In 1726 the Friends in 
Burlington, New Jersey, sent to the "Women ffriends" 
a communication on the evils of overadornment of 
which copies reached women in Philadelphia. And 
this is the earnest appeal they read : 

"A weighty concern Coming upon many faithful! 
ffriends at the Meeting in relation to dress undue 
Liberties that are too frequently taken by some that 
Walk among us and are accounted of us. We are 
willing in the pure love of Truth which hath mercifully 
visited our souls Tenderly to Caution and to advise our 
ffriends against these things which wee think incon- 
sistent with our Ancient Christian Testimony of plain- 
ness in Apparel &c. Some of which we think proper to 
particularize. 

"As first that immodest fashion of hooped Petty- 
coats or the imitation of them either by something put in 
to their petticoats to make them set full or wearing 
more than is necessary or any other imitations what- 
soever which was taken to be but a Branch springing 
from the same corrupt Root of Pride. And also that 
none of our ffriends accustom themselves to wear their 
Gowns with superfluous folds behind but plain and 
decent nor to go without Aprons nor to wear super- 
fluous Gathers or Pleats in the Cap or pinners nor to 
wear their Heads dressed High behind neither to cut 
or lay their hair on the Soreheads or Temples. 

"And that ffriends are carefull to avoid Wearing of 
stript shoes or red or white heeled shoes or Clogs or 
shoes trimmed with gawdy colors . . . 

"And also that ffriends do not accustom themselves 
to go with bare Neck." 
118 



12 





ROBERT MORRIS 




MRS. ROBERT MORRIS 
(From the painting by Charles W. Peale, in Independence Hall) 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

It is a question if some of the men did not set the 
example of such headdresses as the "fFriends" depre- 
cated. At any rate Sarah Eve, in her Journal on March 
12, 1773, recorded with displeasure her observation 
concerning the hair dressing of a famous minister: 

"I never once thought before I heard Mr. Clifford 
mention it why such an exemplary man as Mr. Duche 
[Rev. Jacob Duche, senior assistant minister of Christ 
Church and St. Peter's] should sit every day and have 
his hair curl'd and powder'd by a barber. Since, I 
have thought about it greatly, and would like to have 
his sentiments on this subject. But, my dear Ma'am, 
What would a Parson be without powder, it is as nec- 
essary to him as to a soldier, for it gives a more signifi- 
cant shake to his head, and is as 'priming to his words 
and looks. As to having his hair curled, he perhaps 
thinks it of little consequence, since curled or uncurled 
locks will turn to gray, or perhaps he may look upon 
it as more humiliating to wear his own hair than a 
wig, as then his head must serve as a block on which 
the barber must dress it." 

If Mr. Duch^ had not been a clergyman he would 
probably have been called a macaroni, for this was the 
term applied to the dandies of the days before the 
Revolution. Miss Eve refers to this term in another 
part of her Jourkial. Her father was in business in 
Jamaica. The family longed for news of him, and when, 
in January, 1773, Dr. Curry reached Philadelphia 
from Jamaica, they were angered and hurt because 
three days passed without a message or a call. Miss 
Eve resolved not to forgive his slight, until she learned 
that "he had entertained so high an idea of our quality, 
that the poor Doctor thought his cloathes were not 
good enough to wait upon us in, therefore delayed the 

119 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

visit until he gets fitted up in the 'Macaronia' taste, 
I suppose." 

The strange name "Macaroni" came to be applied 
to dandies when a company of young men, during 
the reign of George III, after their return from a tour 
in Italy, founded a club which they called "The Mac- 
aroni." They had many fads, but one of the most 
pronounced was an extreme modishness in dress. Nat- 
urally, then, a dude came to be known as a "Macaroni." 
One of the popular songs of the day employed the 
term : 

"Ye belles and beaux of London town. 
Come listen to my ditty; 
The muse in prancing up and down 
Has found out something pretty. 
With little hat, and hair dress'd high. 

And whip to ride a pony; 
If you but take a right survey. 
Denotes a macaroni. 

"Along the street to see them walk. 

With tail of monstrous size, sir, 
You'll often hear the graver ones talk. 

And wish their sons were wiser. 
With consequence they strut and grin. 

And fool away their money: 
Advice they care for not a pin — 

Ay — that's a macaroni. 

"Five pounds of hair they wear behind, 
The ladies to delight, O; 
Their senses give unto the wind. 

To make themselves a fright, O; 
This fashion who does e'er pursue, 

I think a simple-tony; 
For he's a fool, say what you will. 
Who is a Macaroni." 
120 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

Another instance of the use of the word is the 
familiar one in Yankee Doodle: 

"Yankee Doodle came to town, 
A-riding on a pony. 
Stuck a feather in his cap, 
And called it Macaroni." 

Both the belles and the beaux of early Philadelphia 
were devoted to the annual Assemblies, a distinctively 
Philadelphian institution. They date from 1748 and 
are still making social history. 

Among the subscribers to the first assembly was 
Charles Willing, the mayor of the city, who married 
Ann Shippen, daughter of Edward Shippen, and of 
whom Dr. William Smith, Provost of the University 
of Pennsylvania, later wrote an extremely compli- 
mentary epitaph: 

"If to be all the wise and good commend, 

The tender husband, father and the friend; 

At home beloved and blest, esteemed abroad, 
Studious to serve manldnd, and please his God; 

If this from death one useful life could save. 

Thou hadst not read that Willing fills this grave." 

The rules for the regulation of the first Assembly 
were made known with great care. Some of them were : 

" 1. The Assembly to be held every Thursday Night 
from the first Jan'y 1748/9 to the first Day of May in 
every Year, and begin precisely at six in the Evening, 
and not by any Means to exceed twelve the same Night. 

"2d. The Subscribers consisting of Gentlemen to 
Chuse by a Majority four of their Number to act as 
Directors under whose Management the whole 
Assembly is to be during the Season. 

"3d. The Directors are to furnish the Ladies with 

121 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Tickets for the Season, which must admit only the 
Lady whose Name is first wrote on the ticket by one 
of the Directors. 

"4th. On AppHcation made to the Directors by 
any Subscriber, for the Admission of any Stranger, 
A Ticket is to be given out for every such Stranger 
particularly the Subscriber who shall apply for such 
Ticket paying immediately on the Delivery of it for 
a strange Gentleman Seven Shillings and six pence, 
for a Lady nothing." 

A curious letter dated at New Castle, May 3, 1749, 
addressed to Thomas Penn, by Richard Peters, told 
of an incident of the first Assembly : 

*'By the Governors encouragement there has been 
a very handsome Assembly near a fortnight at Andrew 
Hamiltons House & Stores which are tenanted by Mr. 
Inglis — make a Set of good Rooms for such a purpose: 
It consists of Eighty Ladies and as many Gentlemen, 
one half appearing every Assembly night. Mr. Inglis 
had the Conduct of tjie whole and managed exceeding 
well. There happened a little mistake at the beginning 
which at some other times might have produced dis- 
turbance. The Governor would have opened the 

Assembly with Mrs. but she refused him, I suppose 

because he had not been to visit her. After Mrs. 

refusal, two or three Ladies out of modesty & from no 
manner of ill design excused themselves so that the 
Governor was put a little to his Shifts; when Mrs. 
Willing now Mrs. Mayoress in a most genteel manner 
put herself into his way & on the Governor seeing this 
instance of her good nature he jumped at the Occasion 
and they danced the first Minuet." 

Concerning the Assembly of 1755 an anecdote is 
related in a letter from "Trent Town," New Jersey, 
dated April 18, 1755: 

122 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

"The ancient King of the Mohawks, (the same who 
was in England in Queen Anne's Time) came down 
with some of his Warriors this Winter to Philadelphia, 
and assured them of his friendship, though he owned 
many of the young Mohawks were gone over to the 
Enemy; they were entertain'd at the Stadthouse and 
made their Appearance also among the Ladies on the 
Assembly night, where they dance the Scalping Dance 
with all its Horrors, and almost terrified the Company 
out of their Wits. I must tell you they brought with 
them a beautiful young Lady, who in publick made the 
Indian Compliment, a Tender of her Person to the 
Governor; as gallant a Man as he is, he was quite con- 
founded at the Time; I know not if he accepted her." 

The Assemblies were interrupted during the Revo- 
lution, but they were resumed in 1786, and during 
the closing years of the century they were more brilliant 
than ever. 

Perhaps it was the Assembly patrons whom an 
advertiser in 1810 had especially in mind when he 
called attention to his "Patent Anatomical Dancing 
Shoes," which were described in such glowing terms 
as the following: 

"Corns, twisted heels and lacerated insteps shall no 
more agonize human nature, no more shall the aged 
witness the aid of a crutch, the middle aged shall walk 
certain sure and easy step, the young shall step as an 
heart, and never know their accumulated horrors, this 
shall deserve more of our country than all the celebrated 
com plaster physicians; . . . the foot looses in its 
appearance one third of its size, as to a side view thereof, 
making it to appear exceedingly near." 

The advertiser insisted that "every Lady and 
Gentleman must have a pair of lasts . , . reserved 
solely for their own use." They would then be asked 

123 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

to pay five dollars for each pair. The alluring bait 
was held out, "No please no pay." 

Dancing was by no means the most popular social 
employment in the city. Tea-drinking must have 
exceeded it in an immeasurable degree; both men and 
women seemed unable to get through a day without 
tea, and no social call was complete without the cup — 
or usually cups — of the pleasant drink. The reader 
of the Journal of Elizabeth Drinker smiles as he notes 
the frequent references to tea. Sarah Eve follows her 
example. One day she wrote: 

"In the afternoon Mama and I drank Tea at Capt. 
Stainforth's, met a good deal of Company there, among 
the rest Major Edmonson, j ust returned from the Illinois. ' ' 

And again: 

"In the afternoon Anna and I went out to look for 
some Calico for Mrs. Smith, we were to return immedi- 
ately, but instead of that, we staid and drank Tea with 
Betsy Guest, — sad girls, sad girls! — ^but we really could 
not help it, our cloaks and bonnets were taken off by 
force, and locked up — ^but that was from our desire, as 
we found they were determined to keep us, we begged 
they would secure them, which they accordingly did; 
worse and worse! worse and worse! . . . 

"In the afternoon we received a formal invitation 
from Mrs. Stretch to drink Tea with her at her new 
house, to which Hannah and myself comply'd with 
cheerfulness. . . . We were much pleased with our 
visit to her new house, that here one may see elegance 
in miniature — I don't mean the elegance of a palace, 
but of simpHcity which is preferable — the one pleases 
the eye but flatters vanity, the other pleases the judg- 
ment and cherishes nature. As I walked through this 
home I could not help saying this surely might be taken 
for the habitation of Happiness!" 
124 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

When Alexander Mackraby visited the city he was 
much impressed with the hospitahty of the people 
which showed itself so often over the tea cup. On 
March 5, 1768, he wrote a letter to Sir Philip Francis 
in which he said: 

"I have mentioned before how very agreeable the 
reception I have met with from your cousins here, more 
particularly so, as it has introduced me to that kind 
of acquaintance which is the most difficult for a stranger 
to obtain; but which is at the same time absolutely ne- 
cessary to his comfort, where there are no public places 
of diversions; I mean that of a few agreeable families 
for a dish of tea, and a dish of chat, without ceremony." 

In 1782 the Chevalier de la Luzerne took the Prince 
de Broglie to call on Mrs. Robert Morris. The record 
of the visit is delightful: 

"The house is simple but well furnished and very 
neat. The doors and tables are of superb mahogany 
and pohshed. The locks and hinges in brass curiously 
bright. The porcelain cups were arranged with great 
precision. The mistress of the house had an agreeable 
expression and was dressed altogether in white; in 
fact, everything appeared charming to me. I partook 
of most excellent tea, and I should be even now still 
drinking it, I believe, if the ambassador had not 
charitably notified me at the twelfth cup that I must 
put my spoon across it when I wished to finish with 
this sort of warm water. He said tome: it is almost as 
ill-bred to refuse a cup of tea when it is offered to you, 
as it would be indiscreet for the mistress of the house 
to propose a fresh one, when the ceremony of the spoon 
has notified her that we no longer wish to partake of it." 

Another French visitor, the Marquis de Chastellux, 

noted not only the tea-drinking, but other forms of 

diversion : 

125 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"In the afternoon we drank tea with Miss Shippen. 
This was the first time, since my arrival in America, 
that I have seen music introduced into society, and 
mix with its amusements. Miss Rutledge played on 
the harpsichord, and played very well. Miss Shippen 
sang with timidity, but with a pretty voice. Mr. 
Ottaw, secretary to M. de la Luzerne, sent for his 
harp: he accompanied Miss Shippen and played 
several pieces. Music naturally leads to dancing; the 
Vicomte de Noailles took down a violin, which was 
mounted with harp strings, and he made the young 
ladies dance, whilst their Mother, and other grave 
personages, chatted in another room." 

In 1769 a visitor to the city told of a very popular 
diversion : 

"Seven sleighs with two ladies and two men in 
each, preceded by fiddlers on horseback, set out 
together upon a snow of about a foot deep on the roads, 
to a public house a few miles from town, where we 
danced, sung, and romped and eat and drank, and 
kicked away care from morning till night, and finished 
our frolic in two or three side-boxes at the play." 

Serenading also was popular. A man in a letter 
to his sister tells of the pleasures of an evening devoted 
to this amusement, and also tells of other diversions : 

"We, with four or five young officers of the regi- 
ment in barracks, . . . about midnight sally forth, 
attended by the band, . . . and play under the 
window of any lady you choose to distinguish; which 
they esteem a high compliment. In about an hour 
all the blackguards who sleep upon bulks, . . . are 
collected round, . . . and altogether make it extremely 
agreeable on a fine frosty morning. . . . We have no 
plays or public diversions of any kind; not so much as 
a walk for the ladies, that there is no opportunity of 
126 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

seeing them but at church, or their own houses, or 
once a fortnight at the assembly. I have been to some 
of their assemblies, and have danced once with a charm- 
ing girl, a cousin of yours; but you never saw her, nor 
in all likelihood ever will. I shall therefore only tell 
you I was very happy, and very much envied." 

Fortunately there have been preserved for us a 
few pictures of life in some of the hospitable homes 
for w^hich the city was famous. Dr. Manasseh Cutler, 
after visiting William Hamilton at Woodlands, in 1803, 
wrote his impressions: 

"We . . . arrived about an hour before sun-set. 
This seat is on an eminence which forms on its summit 
an extended plain, at the junction of two large rivers. 
Near the point of land a superb, but ancient house is 
situated. In the front, . . . is a piazza supported on 
large pillars, and furnished with chairs and sofas like 
an elegant room. . . . We then walked over the 
pleasure grounds, in front, and a little back of the house. 
It is formed into walks, . . . with borders of flower- 
ing shrubs and trees. Between are lawns of green 
grass, frequently mowed, and at difiFerent distances 
numerous copse of the native trees, interspersed with 
artificial groves, which are of trees collected from all 
parts of the world. . . . The green houses which 
occupy a large space of ground, I cannot pretend to 
describe. Every part was crowded with trees and 
plants, from the hot climates. . . . 
• * " . . . We retired to the house. The table w^as 
spread and tea was served. . . . Between ten and 
eleven, an elegant table was spread, with, I believe, 
not less than twenty covers. ... At one, we retired 
to bed. ... In the morning, as we had informed him 
we must do, we rose as soon as daylight appeared. 
When we came down we found him up and the servants 
^tting breakfast. We assured him we must be excused, 

127 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

for the stage would leave us, if we were not in season, 
and the passengers would breakfast at Chester. . . . 
At parting with our hospitable friend, he extorted 
from us ... a promise never to pass again without 
calling." 

President and Mrs. Washington were the social 
lions of Philadelphia. Their simple, gracious manners 
made them welcome guests wherever they went. At 
first they were at the house of Robert Morris, as appears 
from a letter written by the host on June 25, 1787: 

"General Washington is now our guest, having 
taken up his abode at my house during the time he is 
to remain in this city. He is President of a convention 
of Delegates from the Thirteen States of America, who 
have met here for the purpose of revising, amending, 
and altering the Federal Government." 

During his service as President Washington lived 
in a handsome house where he entertained lavishly. 
Of one of his dinners Theophilus Bradbury, of Essex 
County, Massachusetts, wrote: 

"Last Thursday I had the honor of dining with the 
President, in company with the Vice-President, the 
Senators and Delegates of Massachusetts, and some 
other members of Congress, about 20 in all. In the 
middle of the table was placed a piece of table furniture 
about six feet long and two feet wide, rounded at the 
ends. It was either of wood gilded, or polished metal, 
raised only about an inch, with a silver rim round it 
like that round a tea board; in the centre was a pedestal 
of plaster of Paris with images upon it, and on each 
end figures, male and female, of the same. It was 
very elegant and used for ornament only. The dishes 
were placed all around, and there was an elegant 
variety of roast beef, veal, turkeys, ducks, fowls, hams, 
&c.; puddings, jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, 
128 




'ftie^ 



SOFT BROCADE (i(J\V.\, LOOPKD HACK OVER A SATIN PETTICOAT 
(Brought from England to the Barbados in 1685) 




MARTtIA WASHI.NOTON WEARING THE CAP CALLED 
'the queen's NIGHT CAP " 




BISHOP WILLIAM WHITE 
(.From the portrait by Charles W. Peale in Independence Hall) 




PKESIDENT WASHINGTON S COACH 



SOCIAL LIFE AND RECREATIONS 

figs, raisins, and a variety of wines and punch. We 
took our leave at six, more than an hour after the 
candles were introduced. No lady but Mrs. Washington 
dined with us. We were waited on by four or five 
men servants dressed in livery." 

The farewell dinner given by Washington was an 
event that made a deep impression. Concerning the 
President's reception of his guests that day an eye- 
witness wrote: 

"W^ashington received his guests, standing between 
the windows in his back dining-room. The company, 
entering a front room and passing through an unfolding 
door, made their salutations to the President, and 
turning off, stood on one side. His manner was courte- 
ous, of course, but always on these occasions somewhat 
reserved. He did not give his hand, but merely bowed, 
which was the mode for that day. Mr. Morris came 
in, and when the President saw him entering the room, 
he advanced to meet him, and shook him heartilj'^ by 
the hand: Mr. Morris, in allusion partly, perhaps, to 
the day which may have been cloudy, but more to the 
event, repeating as he came forward the lines: — 

*The day is overcast, the morning lowers. 
And heavily in clouds brings on the day — 
The great, the important day.'" 

After that day Mr. and Mrs. Washington ceased 
to be social factors in Philadelphia, but their home 
life and their hospitality became a part of the social 
traditions of the city. 



129 



VI 

MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

The Liberality of the Poor — "Something Pretty" Wanted by an 
Almshouse Inmate — No Haystacks Allowed in Mulberry Street 
— Cut Silver and Good-natured "Pretty Creatures" in the 
Markets — An Enthusiast in Dyes — The Beginnings of Street 
Paving — Stephen Girard to the Rescue — Slavery and Slavers 

IT is a characteristic of many of those who are 
themselves struggling with trying conditions 
to be thoughtful of the needs of others. Those 
who give most liberally, according to their means, 
are not as a rule the rich, nor even those who have an 
average amount of property, but those who, knowing 
what poverty is, are able to sympathize with others 
in want. 

So it proved in colonial days. The very fact that 
life was a struggle with untoward conditions opened 
the purse strings of more fortunate citizens to supply 
wants of their neighbors. They did not take so much 
time to ask the question, "Who is my neighbor .f^" 
that they delayed help until it was too late. 

In the records of the eighteenth century there are 
many hints of this widespread spirit of charity. There 
was much private giving and there was also public 
provision for caring for the unfortunate. 

Not long after Braddock's defeat William Plumstead 

sent a letter to the Overseer of the Poor calling attention 

to the fact that "there is several wife's and widdows 

I understand in town whose husbands are wounded or 

130 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

killed in the late defeat, they are destitute of all neces- 
sarys and many unable to support themselves &; 
children.'* An appropriation to relieve the distress 
thus brought to the attention of the authorities was 
soon made, probably at the .suggestion of Benjamin 
Franklin. 

Stephen Girard, one of the most generous men in 
the city, was a leader in organized charitable work 
of many kinds. One of his favorite charities was 
naturally, the "Society Formed for the Relief of Poor 
and Distressed Masters of Ships, Their Widows and 
Children." The organization began its long and helpful 
history on July 4, 1765, and is still at work. Its object 
was stated in the following terms: 

"Charity not only desires the happiness of man- 
kind, rejoices at their prosperity, grieves at their 
adversity, but, being an active virtue, it prompts the 
mind to form with prudence and execute with vigor 
that plan that bids fairest for a happy attainment of 
the most generous and benevolent ends. To relieve 
our fellow-creatures in distress, and promote their 
welfare, is a most beneficent work, but few even of 
the most distinguished abilities can act in this respect 
beyond the limits of a narrow sphere. Numerous wants 
are neither readily nor easily supplied; hence, individ- 
uals, unequal of themselves apart to the noble task, 
combine together in societies, gain strength by their 
adherence, and stretch the hand of charity to a more 
extended distance." 

Naturally some of those who depended on the aid 
given by others provided diversion for exasperated 
agents of beneficence. It is not likely that any modern 
relief worker can find a plea that for unadulterated 
"gall" goes ahead of the complaint of a pauper which 

131 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

led to the writing of the following letter to the Overseers 
of the Poor: 

"Mary Harriot alledging to us That altho she is 
very thankful that herself and Daughter are so well 
provided with all the Necessarys of Life, and in so 
plentiful a manner, Yet, as they were both brought up 
in a delicate way, begs leave to Assure us, that the 
Provisions of the Almshouse are generally too gross 
for their nice Stomachs, and especially at Breakfast, 
and Supper Times; neither is the care taken to provide 
any thing pretty for them, to sup, in the Afternoons; 
they therefore beg the favour of us to desire you to 
take this Important Affair into your serious considera- 
tion and if you find the Case fairly Represented, you 
may allow them Tea, Coffee, Chocolate or any thing 
else that you verily believe will be more agreeable to 
their palates.*' 

The plea of another poverty-stricken individual 
was somewhat different, but the reader is apt to have 
even less patience with his arguments in favor of a 
sort of relief that would be of doubtful value not only 
to himself but to others. In a petition "To the Wor- 
shipful Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen of the City 
of Philadelphia," William DeWees "respectfully 
sheweth": 

"That your Petitioner is by Trade a Shoemaker, 
and that his Eyesight is so much impair 'd that he is 
incapable of Maintaining his Family by following that 
occupation. That your petitioner hath taken the 
Premises No. 7 Grey's Alley between Second and Front 
Street. which he now keeps as a Boarding house, but 
finding the emolument arising therefrom insufiicient 
to defray the expense of his Family He is desirous of 
obtaining a License to keep the same as a Tavern by 
which means he hopes to obtain a suflScient livelihood." 

132 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

One has much more sympathy with the eighteen 
women who made their mark, and the one woman who 
signed her name, at the close of a much later petition 
to the city authorities that read: 

"Rendered helpless by the infirmities of age — 
enfeebled by sickness or oppressed by the Cares of 
Widowhood — have for some years past, endeavoured 
to gain a livelihood for themselves and their children, 
by vending in the market places fruit, nuts, and other 
small articles, more in demand for the tables of the 
rich, than for those in the middle walk of life. 

"Your petitioners were not led to this mode of life 
from choice, but, being incapable of hard labour, they 
have pursued it rather than increase the burthen with 
which private and publick charity are already so 
severely tasked, by casting themselves and their fam- 
ilies on the public for support . . . 

"It would not become your petitioners to direct 
the manner in which your benevolent intention toward 
them might be accomphshed; but they beg leave to 
suggest a practical mode of alleviating their distress, 
with the least possible infraction of the present system, 
that some particular and distinct stands, in or near 
the market house, should by ordinance be assigned to 
them, for which they should individually pay a reason- 
able rent; that from those stands all should be excluded, 
except your petitioners & those who like them labor 
under the infirmities of age or sickness, or are reduced 
by misfortune and have families depending on them." 

Evidently some one had complained of the needy 
women because they were obstructing the market 
by their appeals to the public to buy their wares. 

It is interesting to read that similar pressure was 
brought to bear on a prosperous citizen in 1703. The 
records of the Grand Jury for that year show that 

133 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Alderman Jolin Jones was presented for " encoachment 
on Mulberry Street, by setting a great Reed or hay 
Stack in the said Street for these two years last past 
& making a close fence about ye same." 

During the same year a number of citizens asked 
the General Assembly to take action against neighbors 
who were just as thoughtless as the proprietor of the 
haystack. They were "Desirous to Clear Drain & 
Make other Improvements on Meadow Ground and 
Marshes in the Neck (between Delaware and Skoolkill 
below Philadelphia)," and they were bothered by 
straying swine. " Therefore your Petitioners do humbly 
Desire That a Law be Made either to Prohibit Swine 
to Run at large in the said Neck Or Else to Oblige the 
Owners of them to Ring and Yoke them Under such 
Penalties as you in Your "Wisdom shall see meet." 

To see that laws were obeyed by night as well as 
by day it was the duty at this time for Philadelphia's 
one night watchman to go through the town ringing a 
bell, crying out the time of night and the state of the 
weather, and, in case he noted a fire or any disaster, 
to inform the constable. In 1704 the single watchman 
to one constable became ten, and every citizen was 
made liable to serve his term on watch or to furnish 
a substitute. The first paid night watchmen were 
not provided until 1758. 

The watchmen on their routes always paid par- 
ticular attention to the market houses, in which dis- 
orderly persons were wont to gather. Those who 
lived in the neighborhood of the markets frequently 
had bitter cause for complaint by reason of the presence 
of these disturbers of the peace. 
134 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

But there was no thought of doing away with the 
market houses that furnished lodging places for these 
night prowlers. For the markets were too important 
a factor in Philadelphia's life and comfort. They 
dated from the beginning of the city. 

One of the earliest references to these useful in- 
stitutions is in the Regulations adopted for the markets 
in 1693. This curious document read: 

"That The place ffor y" Markett be in y« High 
Street where y Second street Crosses it and in no 
other place' 

"That y^ Markett be kept There Two days in y" 
week weekly viz Wednesday and Saterday 

"That all sorts of Provision brought to this towne 
to sale, viz flaesh, ffish, tame fowl Eggs butter Cheese 
herbs, ffruits roots &c: shall be sold in y^ aforesaid 
Markett place, and in Case any of the aforesd Provisions 
should Come to the Towne of Philadelphia on other 
days that are not Markett days yett that they be sold 
in y^ Market under the Same Circumstances regulation 
and forfitures as upon y^ Days on w'=^ the Markett is 
appoynted. . i , 

"That y^ Markett begin and be open'd at y^ ringing 
of the bell, which shall be Rung ffrom the ffirst day of 
y« 2^ Month Apll to y^ ffirst day of 7ber between the 
Hours of Six and seven and ffrom y« ffirst day of 7ber 
to y® ffirst day of Apll between y^ Hours of Eight and 
Nine, and in Case any of the aforesd provision or any 
sort of Marketting be sold, fflesh Excepted before y° 
Ringing of y^ bell unless it be for his Excell^V Cover"" 
in Cheife, or L* Cover"" y° same shall be forfited one 
halfe to y^ poor y^ other to y^ Clark of the Markett . . . 

"That no hucksters or persons to sell againe shall 
buy or Cheapen any of the afore Mentioned provision 
until it hath been two hours in y^ Markett after the 
ringing of The bell . . . 

135 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

" That y^ Clark of y^ Markett shall and may Receive 
for all Cattle Kil'd ffor y® Markett Six pence per head — 
for Every sheepe, Calfe or lamb two pence ^ head for 
Every hogg or Shoat brought to y® Markett or Cutt 
out for saile there Three pence, and that nothing shall 
be paid ffor what y^ Country people bring to Towne 
ready Kil'd. 

"That y® Clark of y^ Markett shal and may receive 
for sealing of weights and measures one penny for Each 
both great and small." 

The Sealer of Measures was an important officer. 
An early notice concerning him was published so that 
no one could have an excuse for ignorance of the facts: 

"PUBLICK NOTICE is hereby given, That Benjamin 
Morgan at the Still and Blue Ball in King-Street^ 
Philadelphia, is by the Mayor and Council of the said 
City, appointed sole keeper of the Standard for Corn 
Measure, and Sizer and Sealer of Measures, to whom 
all who want Measures ready Sealed, or have Measures 
to be rectify'd, may repair, and be well served, he only 
being duly authorized and qualify'd for that office." 

In 1786 Dr. Benjamin Rush said that a friend 
told him how in 1723 "people went to Market with 
cut silver, those who had it not procured provisions 
by taking the country people to two Stalls in the Market 
& giving their goods for them, which goods were charg'd 
to the Accts & paid for once or twice a year." 

William Black in 1744 told of something that 
attracted him far more than cut silver or charge ac- 
counts. He "had no small Satisfaction in seeing the 
pretty Creatures, the young ladies, traversing the 
place from Stall to Stall where they cou'd make the 
best Market, some with their maid behind them with 
a Basket to carry home the Purchase, Others that were 

136 




DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH 
(From the portrait by Thomas Sully in Independence Hall) 




ESTHER UUCHE 
(From the painting by Thomas Duch6) 




(1) A WEDDING GOWN, (2) A GOWN OF 1760, (3) A SUIT OF VELVET, 
(4) A WATTE AU GOWN 




EMPIRE GOWN, WORN IN PHILADELPHIA 
(Original in Memorial Hall, Fairmount Park) 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

designed to buy but trifles, as a little fresh Butter, 
a Dish of Green Peas, or the like, had Good Nature 
and Humility enough to be their own Porters." 

David Fisher, an English visitor in 1755, was much 
more practical in his observations. After a careful 
inspection of the market he wrote: 

"There seems to be a good supply of most kinds of 
Provisions and a vast concourse of People, Buyers as 
well as sellers. Meat in the Shambles (some at least) 
of each sort, very good and might well vie with the 
best in the Leadenhall Market; Fish and Poultry, the 
market don't seem over well supplied with, tho' in the 
cool weather a fine sort of large Sea Pearch of about 
six pounds, called the Sheeps' Head, from its teeth 
resembling those of a sheep , . . Butter is quite 
plenty and very good at about 8d. a pound; vegetables 
plenty enough tho' not so many good or handsome 
Gardens about Philadelphia as one might expect, and 
with all my enquiry I could not find a Plant deserving 
the name of Cauliflower." 

So much complaint w^as made that trafiic inter- 
fered with the market houses — which stretched along 
the middle of the street for some blocks, with breaks 
at the cross streets — that in July, 1768, the Council 
"agreed that chains be made and put up across Market 
Street and Second Street, about sixty feet from the 
intersection of the streets, so as to prevent carts and 
other carriages passing thro' the market on Market 
days, to be taken down at nine o'clock in the morning 
in Summer and ten in Winter." 

In early days the markets were supplemented by 
two fairs each year. The charter of 1701 provided that 
these fairs should be opened with all due solemnity. 
The form of the Proclamation adopted ran as follows : 

137 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

*'0 Yes and Silence Is Commanded while the Fair 
proclaiming upon Pain of Imprisonment. 

"A. B. Esq., Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, doth 
hereby, in the King's Name strictly charge and com- 
mand all persons trading and negotiating with this Fair 
to keep the King's peace. 

"And that no person or persons whatsoever pre- 
sume to set up any Booth or Stall for the vending of 
Strong Liquors within this Fair. 

"And that no Person or Persons presume to bear 
or carry any unlawful Weapon to the Terrour or 
Annoyance of his Majesty's subjects, or to gallop or 
strain Horses within the Built parts of this City. 

"And if any person shall receive Hurt or Injury 
from Another let him repair to the Mayor, here present, 
and his wrongs shall be redressed. 

"This Fair to continue Three Days and no longer. 
God save the King." 

These semi-annual fairs continued until the 
Revolution. 

The people who attended the fairs and markets 
did not have to purchase many of the things that to-day 
one feels must be bought; they were independent 
enough to make many articles for themselves. For one 
thing the housewives did their own spinning and weav- 
ing. And they were much at home in dyeing the prod- 
ucts of their own looms. Witness the interesting 
letter from Mrs. Moore to Susanna Wright, dated 
in 1771: 

"I took the opportunity of sending . . . some 
samples of the little success that has attended my 
attempts in the manufacturing way and particularly 
in the art of dyeing . . . a p"" of silk garters rais'd, 
dyed and wove in our own House, of which I request 
thy acceptance ... I must also desire Sammy 
138 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

Wright to accept of a pair of Worsted of my own 
spilling . . . 

"Since my last I have been trying my Hand at 
Shades for working with, and have sent thee a sample, 
but cannot promise that they will stand, they have 
all had several rmcings in warm water, the scarlet (if 
I may so call it) and the Purple are both dyed with 
Brazilletto Salt Tartar and Allum, a very small matter 
of pot Ash dissolved in a cup of W^ater changed the 
scarlet when dip'd in it to a Purple — some of the same 
colour wash'd with hard soap turn'd to a pretty Crim- 
son — the yellow is dyed with Barberry root, I never 
heard of its being made use of for this purpose, but as 
I was planting a Root of it last Summer I observed it 
to be of a very bright pritty Y'ellow, upon which I 
boil'd some of it with a little Allum, and was much 
pleased with the colour it produced, I have sent thee a 
few of these Chips, also a small Phial of my blue dye — 
two or three drops in a Wine Glass of Water will be 
sufficient for dyeing a small skein of silk of a light 
colour — it may be rinced out in a few minutes, but if 
its wanted dark, must stay in a q"^ of an hour, I am not 
sure that tliis will stand any more than the rest, and 
shall now give thee the History of it — thee must know 
the Ladies make use of Something of this kind to dye 
their old White Ribbons, shades, &''* that are soil'd — 
it is brought from N. York and sold in some of our 
Shops here at a great price, I had seen some of it, & 
had a very great inclination to know of what it was 
made, ('tis pritty lucky for me that I have a Doctors 
shop so handy) I try'd almost everything I could think 
of — at last hit upon some Sp* Salt or Vitriol I'm not 
sure which and mix'd it very well with Prussian blue 
finely powder'd, this I found to have exactly y^ appear- 
ance of that I bought and seems to answer the purpose 
quite as well, it must be carefully used, as a single 
drop without Water will eat a hole in Silk or Linnen, 

139 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

but does not seem to rot the silk in the least when 
mix'd with Water, after the silk is dyed with this if 
dip'd in the yellow it turns to a beautiful Green." 

The housewives of colonial days were proud to carry 
their home-dyed homespun to the fairs and markets, 
which were popular meeting places for friends who did 
not have other opportunity to see one another 
frequently. 

Perhaps the markets were all the more popular 
because for a long time they were supported by vol- 
untary subscriptions. Later, however, the tax budget 
included items for their maintenance. 

Almost everything was done by voluntary sub- 
scription in those early days. The pumps from which 
water was supplied to the citizens were erected by 
private enterprise. A law of 1713 authorized one who 
dug a well and placed a pump to charge the neighbors 
who made use of it. In 1715 an annual rent of one 
shilling for pumps was levied by the city on the pump 
holders. Not until 1756 were the pumps placed in 
the hands of a warden. He had power to sink new 
wells and to buy up private pumps. 

This public ownership was a step in the direction 
of community fire protection. Fire had always been a 
problem in Philadelphia. As early as 1701 chimney 
fires became so frequent that an order was provided 
for fining anyone who allowed his chimney to catch on 
fire. It was ordered also that every householder 
should keep a swab, at least twelve feet long, and four 
leather buckets, which should always be ready for use 
in case of fire. No one was allowed to smoke tobacco 
in the streets by day or by night. 

140 




IN AN OLD KITCHEN 




s«*^ 







STATE IlOUiSE, WliU A VIEW UE CHESTNUT STREET 

(Note the typical wooden pump) 

(From an engraving by Hirch) 




DILIGENT FIKE ENGINE 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

In 1718 the first fire engine was bought for £50. 
In 1730 three engines, two hundred leather buckets, 
twenty ladders, and twenty-five hooks with axes, were 
secured. One of these engines was made in Philadelphia 
but the others came from London. 

The first volunteer fire company was organized in 
1736, largely through the efforts of Benjamin Franklin. 
Each member agreed to furnish, at his own expense, 
six leather buckets and two stout linen bags. Each 
bag was to be marked with his own name as well as the 
name of the company. These he was to take to every 
fire, for use in holding property in danger of destruction. 

The Fellowship Fire Company followed in 1738, 
the Hand in Hand in 1742, the Heart in Hand in 1743, 
and the Friendship Fire Company in 1747. Then 
the rivalry between the companies which became one 
of the features of Philadelphia's life, was on in earnest. 

For many years the care of the streets was as vol- 
untary as the fire service. Many of the inhabitants 
of 1718 paved the streets at their own charges, "from 
y* Kennel to the middle of the streets before their 
respective tenements with pebblestones." But there 
were of course many who refused to do their part, so 
an ordinance was passed compelling all property 
owners to pave in front of the lots owned by them or 
have it done at their expense. They were likewise 
obliged to sweep the sidewalk in front of the property 
every Friday. There was a penalty for throwing rub- 
bish or ashes into the streets. A public scavenger was 
appointed to collect the rubbish and ashes once a week. 

When Peter Kalm wrote of the city m 1748 he said 
of the streets: 

141 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

*'Some of them are paved, other not, and it seems 
less necessary, since the ground is sandy, and therefore 
absorbs the wet. But in most of the streets is a pave- 
ment of flags, a fathom or more broad, laid before the 
houses and posts put on the outside three or four 
fathoms asunder." 

Benjamin Franklin did not like to think of this in- 
adequate paving, much of it being confined to a 
narrow space before the doors. In his autobiography 
he wrote: 

"Our city, though laid out with a beautiful regu- 
larity, the streets large, straight and crossing each 
other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those 
streets to remain long unpaved, and in wet weather 
the wheels of heavy carriages plowed them into a 
quagmire, so that it was diflScult to cross them; and 
in dry weather the dust was offensive." 

When Franklin made up his mind that something 
was to be done it was not long until the thing was done 
or at least begun. So it was with street paving. As he 
himself wrote : 

"I had lived near what was called the Jersey market, 
and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while 
purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground down 
the middle of that market was at length paved with 
brick, so that, being once in the market, they had 
firm footing; but they were often over shoes in dirt to 
get there. By talking and writing on the subject I 
was at length instrumental in getting the street paved 
with stone between the market and the foot pavement 
that was on the side next to their houses." 

But progress was not rapid. By the close of the 
Revolution not many streets were paved. In 1783 a 
petition went to the Board of Street Commissioners 

142 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

from property owners on "Lombard Street, between 
third and fourth streets," who urged that they had 
"chearfully paid their proportion of the street taxes, 
in full confidence, however, that as soon as the situation 
of our public affairs would admit, they should be re- 
lieved in the premises." They reminded the commis- 
sioners that "every other of the east and west Streets 
except two, have been paved westward, as far at least 
as fifth street," and that "these two Streets referred 
to have scarcely any houses erected between third 
and fourth Streets." They argued that because " Street 
is become a public outlet to the lower ferries over 
Schuylkill, and from them into the city," the street 
should be paved. 

In 1785 "a number of citizens who have taken up 
lots on Race Street above Fifth Street" urged that 
the said street, for want of pavement, "became almost 
impassable in Wet W^eather, and especially in the 
winter season, to the great Inconvenience of the Citi- 
zens residing on said Street, and frequenting the same." 
A later plea was for "the opening and repairing of 
Sassafras Street, commonly called Race Street, and if 
possible Vine Street also, from the paved parts of the 
city towards Schuylkill until these streets shall inter- 
sect the Road from Vine Street to the Bridge" at the 
upper ferry. 

As late as 1802 conditions on Vine Street contin- 
ued unfavorable. In January of that year a petition 
called attention to the fact "that Vine Street from 
First to Second Streets hath for this long time past 
waited a new regulation and paving. That owing to 
the Gutter or W^ater Course being in the Middle and 

148 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

other causes, that part of said Street especially in 
Winter is rendered dangerous for Carriage passing 
and repassing." It was argued that "it is the Street 
of the Public as well as the Street of the Inhabitants 
of that part of said Street that Vine Street should be so 
regulated and paved it being the Avenue or High Road 
from the Country to the City, no Street being more 
used by Carts and Carriages." 

One of the unanswerable arguments in favor of 
street paving and cleaning was the prevalence of epi- 
demics in the city, beginning with the small pox of 
1736 and continuing to the many yellow fever scourges, 
the worst of which were in 1793 and 1798. 

The story of the early smallpox scare was told 
vividly by Margaret Freame in a letter to John Penn, 
dated December 10, 1736. She wrote: 

"The Smal-pox has and doth rage Very much in 
this Citty, Numbers of Persons Dying of it. at last 
Seeing it Prove so fatal in the Common way, that by a 
computation one dy'd in four, and not one in fifty by 
inoculation, Mr. Till concluded to have his wife and 
his 2 children, Mr. Taylor his little Boy, and divers 
others that has succeeded very well. Poor Tom had 
it full, but is now, I thank God Bravely recover'd, they 
are all turn'd, and most shell'd off. he begins to call 
for a Cook instead of a Doctor . . . Too many in 
this Citty are under the same Affliction; the Church 
bell is not suffer'd to ring but once for six [deaths] and 
it has wrung twice a day sometimes. I hope the Cold 
Weather will Put a Stop to this Contagion." 

Samuel Breck told in his Recollections of the yellow 
fever of 1797 which "obliged all the citizens who could 
remove to seek safety in the country." His father 
144 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

took his family to Bristol. Mr. Breck himself was in 
the city early in September. "My business took me 
down to the Swedes' Chm-ch and up Front Street 
to Walnut Street Wliarf, where I had my country house," 
he wTote. "Every thing looked gloomy, and fifty -five 
deaths were reported on the 9th. In the afternoon 
when I was about retiring to the country, I passed 
by the lodging of the Vicomte de Noailles, who had fled 
from the Revolutionists of France. He . . . asked 
me 'what I was doing in town. 'Fly,' said he, *as soon 
as you can, for pestilence is all around you. ' " 

A writer of the day told of the yellow fever as it 
impressed him : 

"In the beginning of August 1793 it pleased the 
wise Disposer of human events, to visit Philadelphia 
with a disease, which in many of its symptoms so re- 
sembled the Plague, that the Physicians were at a loss 
for a name, less alarming, to the afflicted citizens 
It was a time of deep trial, and caused great searching 
of heart, none knowing what instant the contagion 
would reach them. Our friends and neighbors were 
hourly carried to their silent habitations, and dismay 
so seized the people that there were but very few, who 
had sufficient resolution to attend their nearest rela- 
tions, either during their illness, or to their graves. 
Persons of the first distinction were without attendance 
except a black man who led the hearse, there were 
none to see that they were decently committed to the 
earth, and those who possessed the means to procure 
every comfort, suffered for want of a glass of water. 
There was a serious desertion of parents from children, 
children from parents, husbands from wives, and wives 
from husbands, thousands fled into the country for 
safety." 

145 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

The epidemic was made memorable by the heroic 
conduct of Stephen Girard. When the city was all but 
deserted and little attention was given to the care of 
the sick, he was appointed one of a committee to devise 
means of relief. One of the chief difficulties was that 
the Bush Hill Hospital was without adequate superin- 
tendence. Two men, of whom Stephen Girard was 
one, offered their services. 

Philadelphians, who had been reserved in their 
treatment of the Frenchman, were amazed. "Before him 
stood probable death in its most repulsive form," says 
Arey, in his biography of Girard. "Certain and heavy 
losses were to be entailed in the highest of his private 
interests; the most loathsome and the most menial 
duties were to be performed in person; and the possible 
reward of all this was a nameless grave upon the height 
of Bush Hill." Soon after the beginning of his work 
Girard wrote to a friend in France, "The mortality 
is so great and the fever so general that it is no longer 
possible to find nurses for the sick or men to bury 
the dead." 

In three months one sixth of the twenty-five thou- 
sand inhabitants died. 

There were returns of the disease in 1794, 1795, 
1796, and 1797. In 1798 there were nearly as many 
deaths as in 1793. One of the dramatic incidents 
of 1798 occurred when the fever broke out in the Wal- 
nut Street Prison, where several hundred prisoners 
were confined. The jailer resigned, as well as several 
deputy jailers. One who has told^of what followed says : 

"While the fever raged within the prison walls, 
some of the more desperate of its inmates planned an 
146 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

insurrection, in order to escape from confinement and 
the much dreaded pestilence. There was a meeting in 
the yard during the physician's visit when some con- 
victs escaped from their cells. The volunteer jailer 
conquered by force of arms after two rebels were mor- 
tally wounded. One of them said to the jailer: 'It is 
well for you that you conquered us, for if successful, 
we intended to plunder and burn the city.'" 

Many theories were advised for the periodical 
appearance of the yellow fever in Philadelphia. Some 
contended that it was brought by immigrant vessels. 
As early as 1754 physicians were appointed to investi- 
gate the ships as they arrived, but they were not al- 
ways successful in preventing the landing of those 
who brought contagion. 

During the earlier years of the eighteenth century 
the heavily laden slavers brought disease and death 
with them. 

Slavery was abolished in Pennsylvania in 1780, 
but slavers continued to be fitted out in the port. Ac- 
cordingly, a petition was presented to the General 
Assembly asking that "such addition be made to the 
Said law as shall efficiently put a stop to the Slave 
Trade being carried on directly or indirectly in the 
Commonwealth, and to assure other purposes of benev- 
olence and justice to an oppressed part of the human 
species." 

Opposition to the coming of the slaves to Phila- 
delphia and the fitting out of slavers in the port was 
based, not on the desire to protect from disease, but 
on the higher desire to prevent wrong. 

Pennsylvania was a leader in the antislavery agi- 
tation. The first formal protest against slavery was 

147 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

made in this colony, as well as the first organized agita- 
tion against it, the first and greatest of the abolition 
societies was formed here, and the first law to bring 
slavery to an end was written into the statutes of the 
colony. 

Fourteen years before the passage of the law, in 
1766, a legal document was filed in which freedom 
was given to a slave who had long been the property 
of one of the leading men in the colony. This early 
deed of manumission read as follows : 

KNOW ALL MEN by thesc presents that v/e Mary 
and Sarah Norris joint administratrices of the Estate 
of Isaac Norris late of Fairhill in the county of Phila- 
delphia Esq*" deceased, have granted and agreed that a 
certain Negro man named Samuel late the property of 
their dear Parent the before mention'd Isaac Norris, 
upon Conditions shall be free, these therefore Wit- 
nesseth that for and in Consideration of his faithfull 
Services to his late honoured Master they do jointly 
agree that he the said Samuel shall from and after 
the thirteenth day of July next be free and discharg'd 
from his Servitude and shall have a bill of Manumission 
for that purpose in due form of Law. Provided Never- 
theless that in the meanwhile the said Samuel doth 
faithfully and honestly serve them the said Mary 
and Sarah Norris on the same Conditions and in the 
same manner he has hitherto done otherwise this 
Obligation to be void and of no effect." 

Another method of setting a slave free was adopted 
by Charles Brockden in 1752, who had deeded his 
wife's slave, Beulah, to the Moravian Church. Of 
her purchase he told thus: 

"The cause of which purchase of her was not with 
any intention of worldly gain by continuing her in 
148 



MORE WAYS OF COLONIAL DAYS 

slavery all the days of her life, but partlj^ for the service 
of my dear wife Susannah, who is since deceased, and 
partly in mercy to prevent others from buying her for 
filthy lucre's sake." 

A custom that at times, for a season at least, brought 
almost as many hardships to the voluntary victims as 
the institution of slavery was the system of the sale 
of redemptioners. An agreement between Captain 
Osborne and his passengers, now in possession of the 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, tells how those re- 
demptioners began a sort of slavery: 

" We whose Names are hereunto annexed do hereby 
acknowledge that we have agreed with Capt. Peter 
Osborne, Commander of the good Ship called the 
Pennsylvania Packett to Pay him for our Passage from 
London to Philadelphia in North America Fourteen 
Days after our safe arrival at the said place, (the said 
Capt. Osborne finding us in sufiicient meat and drink 
during the said passage) at and after the rate of eight 
pounds eight shillings Sterling per Head — & in case of 
nonperformance of the said payment by any of us, 
that then the said Captain, Peter Osborne or the Owners 
of the said ship shall have full Power to dispose of us 
for the said money, or any of us that shall not make 
good the said Payment within the said fourteen Days 
above limited Witness our Hands in London the 16th 
day of February in the year of our Lord 1773." 

But the days of the redemptioner, like the days of 
the slave, were finally ended, and the way was open 
for every citizen of Philadelphia to enjoy life and liberty. 



VII 
EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

The "First Schoolmaster — Why Israel Pemberton Was Sore — The 
Origin of the University of Pennsylvania — "Not a Dove, But 
A Hawk or a Falcon" — Lantern and Bell, the Penalty for 
Tardiness — Hazing the Master — Dead on His Knees — He Taught 
School in Gaol — Poor Ten- year-old George! — The Dawning of 
A Better Day 

APART of the vision of William Penn was a free 
education for all the boys and girls of all the 
people, and this was not the least element in 
the lure that drew the colonists from Old England to 
the new land. 

According to Penn's original plan for his colony 
the laws of the Province were to be "one of the books 
taught in the schools of the Province." 

This, the first mention of schools in the colony, 
was followed in 1683 by the order of the Assembly in 
Philadelphia that "all persons having children and all 
the guardians and masters of orphans, shall cause such 
to be instructed in reading and writing, so that they 
may be able to read the Scriptures and to write by the 
time they attain to twelve years of age, and that then 
they be taught some useful trade or skill, that the poor 
may work to live, and the rich if they become poor 
may not want.'* The provision made to enforce the 
law was "the first compulsory education law in 
Pennsylvania." 

That this early law was not a dead letter is clear 
from the fact that when an apprentice asked the court 

150 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

to see that his master John Crosby teach him to read, 
"which he hath not freely performed," it was ordered 
that the master "put said servant to school one month» 
and . . . instruct him another month.*' 

The first schoolmaster was provided, by ojBBcial 
action, on "the 26th of y« 10**^ Month, 1683." 

"The Gov"" and Prov'^ Councill having taken into 
their Serious Consideration the great necessity there 
is of a School Master for y® instruction & Sober Educa- 
tion of youth in the towTie of Philadelphia, sent for 
Enoch fflower an Inhabitant of the said Towne, who 
for twenty years past hath been exercised in that care 
and Imployment in England, to whom having Com- 
municated their -Minds, they Embraced it upon the 
following terms: to Learne to read English 4s by the 
Quarter, to Leame to read and write 6s by y^ Quarter, 
to learn to read, Write and Cast accot 8s by y^ 
Quarter, for Boarding a Scholler, that is to say, dyet, 
washing, Lodging & Scooling, Tenn pounds for an 
whole year." 

Before the close of the year the proposed school 
was opened in a dwelling which was "built of pine 
& cedar planks." 

The elementary school was good so far as it went, 
but more was desired, so later, in 1683, the Council 
proposed "That Care be Takeim about the Learning 
and Instruction of Youth, to Witt: a School of Arts and 
Sciences." At the same meeting it was proposed by 
those who had charge of the city's weKare to provide 
by law "for Makeing of Severall Sorts of Books, 
for the use of Persons in this Province." 

The first "public Grammar School" was opened 
in 1689 by Thomas Lloyd, at the request of William 

151 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Penn. This, it is thought, was the beginning of the 
William Penn Charter School, which was long known 
as the Friends' Public School. The formal charter 
was granted in 1701. There has been no interruption 
in this school from the beginning. Wickersham calls 
attention to the fact that it "ranks with the Paro- 
chial School of the Dutch Church in New York and the 
Latin School in Boston as one of the oldest schools in 
the country." 

At first the annual salary of the first master, George 
Keith, was £50, in addition to the use of a house for his 
family and all the profits of the school. He was to 
teach the poor without charge. He was promised 
£120 and perquisites for the second year; but he 
was not a success, and Thomas Makin was given the 
position. 

Makin must have taught several years without 
a license, judging from the action of the Provincial 
Council taken on August 1, 1693: 

"Thomas Meaking, Keeper of the Free School in 
the town of Philadelphia, being called before the Lieu- 
tenant Governor and Council, and told that he must 
not keep school Without a license. . .Was therefore 
ordered to procure a certificate of his ability, learning 
and diligence from the inhabitants of note in this town 
by the sixteenth instant, in order to the obtaining of a 
license, which he promised to do." 

Many illuminating glimpses of Tutor Makin are 
given in two letters concerning one of his pupils, Israel 
Pemberton, who did not get along so well with Makin 's 
assistant or with the master himself. The first of these 
epistles was dated "5 Mo 22, 1698: 

152 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

"Dear Master 

"Thomas Meakin 

"lest througii mistake the abuse I Received at the 
schoole being noised abroad should be taken to be thee 
I made bold to write these few lines for the clearing 
of thee thy Instructions were so mild and gentle as 
that I never received one blow or strike from thy hand 
during my stay there tho my dullness at times might 
have given thee occation for if I wanted Information 
with boldness I cold always come to thee being always 
friendly Received but from another, I always found 
Rough answers where I quickly left to trouble him not 
finding the Kindness as from thee & Indeed what he 
did for me from first to last is to be seen in that little 
Lattin book I write at his first Coming which I have 
forgot at schoole behind me if thee would be pleased 
to send it by some of the boatmen to be left at Sam'^ 
Jennings when thou meets with it I shall take it a 
kindness I do say it was not my Intent to have let it be 
Known but the anguish of the blows and being In- 
wardly opprest with greife to think how I was used 
without having the liberty to spake one word in my 
defense did so change my Countenance that my sister 
promptly perceived it who was restless untill I had 
uncovered the occation who rested not then but would 
see & when she saw was also so griev'd that she would 
show me to some others tho I Indeavored much to 
diswade her but she would not but did cause me to be 
seen bj^ H: carpenter and Tho: whartons wife, but 
conterary to my mind tho he never showed any respect 
to me as a scholar but still frowned upon me the Reason 
I know not for I never Intended to vex him & therefore 
never made use of him & thou being out of school he 
took that oppertunity so to Thrash me ... I desire not to 
injure him I would willingly have stayed longer at the 
Schoole but my sister having told my father how things 
were & the tokens of his Correction still remaining upon 

153 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

me tho almost five weeks since & are still to be seen & 
so sore as that I cannot endure anything to press against 
it . . . but I love thee & desire to be with thee & to spend 
the rest of my schooling under thee, but whether it 
may be so or no I ICnow not yet I desire it with my 
love and send these lines who am thy scholar, 

"Israel pemberton." 

Early in the year 1699 Makin wrote to Phineas 
Pemberton about the difficulty that had arisen between 
Israel and the assistant tutor. He was troubled be- 
cause he had learned that the father proposed to put 
the boy in another school. In the letter he said: 

"I cannot but resent it as some dimunition to my 
Credit, since thee first committed him to my Peda- 
gogic, now to putt him to another who I suppose will 
sett him to learn all Arithmetick de novo. . As for 
thy great Resentment for F. D. P., I have spoken to 
him to write to thee also, if possible all we can may 
prevail to reclaim thee from thy s"^ Intentions: w*^ that 
it may prove successful is y® earnest desire of thy re- 
spectful friend & Countryman 

"Tho: Makin." 

The relations between the master and his former 
pupil continued good, for in 1728 Makin wrote to 
Israel Pemberton, addressing him as "Honored Fr"^": 

"Having alreadie sent thee a description of Pen- 
silvania writt in Latin verse, especially for y" use of 
thy Son, now considering thy self may not understand 
y® same, therefore now present thee with y^ same in 
English, for w*''", being in want, I humbly pray some 
small reward, for w*''' I shall be thy thankfull fr*^" 

Enclosed with the letter was a Description of Penn- 
sylvania whose style may be judged from an extract: 
154 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

"On Delaware does Philadelphia stand, 
And does her stately buildings far extend. 
The Streets laid out directly by a line 
And house to house contigiously does joyn. 
The Govern"" here keeps his residence. 
One grave in years & long experience. 
Four sacred houses in this city are. 
And one not distant from y'' city far. 
To this long known and well-frequented port 
From sundry places many shipps resort. 
In Merchandizing most men are here employ 'd : 
All useful artists too are occupied. 
The frugal farmer, like y° careful Ant, 
In Summer 'gainst cold Winter is provident. 
His barn, well cover'd to keep out y^ rain. 
Fills w*^ good hay & divers sorts of grain. 
Neglecting costly cloathes & dainty food. 
His own unbought provisions sweet & good. 
Weary w*^ labour takes his ease & rest: 
His homespun cloathing pleasing him y° best. 
O that such were my happy lot at last. 
Then all my trouble past would be forgott." 

But poverty continued to be the lot of the former 
school teacher. Finally the Pennsylvania Gazette of 
November 29, 1733, told how "on Monday evening 
last Mr. Thomas Meakine fell ojff a wharf into the 
Delaware, and before he could be taken out again, 
he was drowned.'* The Weekly Mercury, in its brief 
accoimt of the accident, called him an "Ancient 
Schoolmaster," and added that he was trying to fill a 
pail of water from the river when he fell from the pier. 

The main building of the Friends' school in which 
Makin taught was long located on Fourth street, 
near the Friends' meeting house. Branches for charity 
were in different parts of the city. The Penn Charter 

155 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

School, its successor, is now located on Twelfth street, 
between Chestnut and Market streets. 

In 1743 Benjamin Franklin began to talk about 
an Academy. Six years later he wrote his pamphlet ' 
"Proposals Relative to the Education of Youth in 
Pennsylvania." In this the proposition was made 
*'that the house for the Academy should be located 
not far from a river, and have connected with it a 
garden . . . and be furnished with a library, maps 
of all countries, globes, some mathematical instruments, 
an apparatus for experiments in natural philosophy 
and mechanics." The pupils* were to be "frequently 
exercised in running, leaping, wrestling and swimming." 

The Academy was opened in 1751 in a building 
constructed in 1740 for use as a "Charity School" 
and as a "House of Publick Worship." In 1753 the 
institution was chartered, Franklin being President 
of the board of Trustees. Two years later it was 
chartered as a college. The attendance increased 
rapidly. In 1763 there were more than four hundred 
students in attendance. The academy and college were 
merged in the University of the State of Pennsylvania 
in 1779, and in 1791 the University of Pennsylvania 
absorbed the earlier institution. 

David James Dove, the first English teacher in 
Franklin's Academy, was one of the most famous char- 
acters in old Philadelphia. In a letter to Dr. Samuel 
Johnson, Franklin said that he was "a gentleman 
about your age, who formerly taught grammar sixteen 
years at Chichester, in England. He is an excellent 
master and his scholars have made a surprising progress." 

Dove's salary for his first probationary year was 

156 




DAVIU .lA.MKS DO\E, SCHOOLMASTER 
(Drawn by Benjamin West) 




ROBEKl' PltOUU, SCHOOLMASTER 
(Original in the possession of the Library Company of Pennsylvania) 





mm 



^2i^-L-- 



(Ij girl's red stuff gown, 1730; (2) print gown of 1710; (3) white 

DAMASK LINEN GOWN OF 1720; (4) SUIT OF BLUE SILK, 1740; (5) 
BROWN VELVET SUIT, 1760 

(The originals of 2 and 3 may be seen at Stentor., Philadelphia) 




(1) BROWN VELVET SUIT OF 1760 (ORIGINAL IN INDEPENDENCE HALL) ; 
(2) BUFF PRINTED CAMBRIC DRESS. ABOUT 1760; (3) SHEER MUSLIN 
GOWN, ABOUT 1790; (4) CLOAK, MUFF AND HAT, AFTER SIR JOSHUA 
REYNOLDS, 1780; MUSLIN GOWN OF 1790 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

£150, Dr. William Smith, later Provost of the Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania, being the only one connected 
with the school who had a higher salary. He added 
to his income by taking boarders into his home. Charles 
Thomson, later Secretary of Congress, was one of the 
first boarders. The story is told that when Thomson 
decided to seek another boarding place he first took 
the precaution to secure from Mr. and Mrs. Dove a 
statement that he had been a satisfactory boarder, 
for he feared that the master would say unpleasant 
things about him if care was not taken to stop his 
ceaseless tongue. 

Another scheme to add to the Dove income was 
made by the founding of a school for young ladies, in 
connection with the academy. The announcement 
indicated that those who came would be carefully 
taught the "English grammar; the true way of spelling, 
and pronouncing properly; together with fair writing, 
arithmetick and accounts . . . " 

Before long Dove was giving so much time to the 
young ladies — whose tuition payments went into his 
o\\Ti pocket — that he had to have two assistants. 
Accordingly, Franklin and Judge Peters were appointed 
a Committee of the Trustees to make him see the error 
of his ways. But the committee soon had to report that 
they were unable to make Dove appreciate the point 
of their complaint. "He seemed desirous of being 
indulged in the practice," they said. Of course he 
could not be retained under the circumstances. 

The difficulty of dealing with Dove was shov^Ti by 
one of his pupils, a nephew of Judge Peters, who said 
that he was "a sarcastic and ill-tempered doggerelizer, 

157 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

who was but ironically Dove, for his temper was that 
of a hawk, and his pen the beak of a falcon pouncing 
on his prey." 

The later history of this unruly schoolmaster was 
what might have been expected. After teaching for 
a time in a school of his own in Videll's Alley, now 
Ionic Street, he became English master at the German- 
town Academy, where his ungovernable temper drove 
two assistants from the school and terrorized the 
friends and the Trustees. Once again he opened a 
boarding school on the side, and he refused to give 
this up at the request of the trustees. Finally, in 1763, 
his overbearing ways became too much for the patrons 
of the school, and they memorialized the trustees con- 
cerning his habit of sending boys on errands and his 
spending time on private boarders that belonged to 
the students of the Academy. 

When the trustees tried to remove him, he refused 
to be removed, even though Pelatiah Webster had 
already been appointed as his successor. Dove held 
possession of the schoolhouse, and declared that he 
would not retire. Eight of the contributors to the 
academy thereupon addressed a letter to the trustees, 
which came into the hands of James Galloway, who, 
with Thomas Wharton, was charged with the duty of 
dealing with Dove. On the letter, which was dated 
September 26, 1763, Galloway endorsed a reply in 
which he promised action that would disprove the 
charge of cowardice made in the letter: 

"Gentlemen — 

"After meeting this Morning at Seven o'clock we 
sent a Letter Requesting your Meeting us at Three in 
the afternoon When our Messenger Liform'd us one 
.158 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

was gone out of town and the others so Engaged in 
their own privet affairs that they Could not attend. 
Therefore wee take this second Oppertunety (in one 
Day) to Let you Know that wee have Done Nothing, 
but adjurn'd till tomorrow at Ten o'clock at which 
time wee Ernestly Request you will Meet us to Take 
Possession of the Schoolhouse that Webster may Enter 
Agreeable to our contract with him. Wee pay so much 
Respect to you Cityzens that wee are Determined to 
Do Nothing in the present affairs without you Except 
you Which wee Cannot Suspect Should prove Cowards 
in the Day of Battle Untill which time wee Shall 
Subscribe our Selves your Real friends 

" My f r^ " George Absetnz, 

"I will waite on Thos "Christopher Sower, 

Wharton tomorrow "John Jones, 

Morning 8 o'clock, "Rich. Johnson, 

if he goes in a "Jacob Nagles, 

Chair I'll take a "Niclaus Rittinghouse, 

Seat, if not attend "John Vandiren, 

him on Horseback, "Tho Livezey." 
& Convince those 
Gent, at Germt. we 
are not cowards 
"J. G." 

Of course Dove made way after a time for his 
successor, but for many years he continued to teach 
a private school in Germantown. Later he advertised 
that at the "repeated solicitation of many gentlemen 
and ladies, whom Mr. Dove had formerly had the honor 
of instructing," he proposed, " God willing, to open a 
school at his house in Front street, near the corner 
of Arch street . . . where youth of both sexes in 
separate apartments would be taught to read, cypher, 
and speak our language according to the exact rules 
of grammar." 

159 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

In this school he taught until his death, in 1769. 

Alexander Graydon, who was a pupil of Dove in 
Philadelphia, told in his Memoirs of the master's 
methods of discipline: 

"His birch was rarely used in canonical method, but 
was generally stuck into the back part of the collar of 
the unfortunate culprit, who, with this badge of dis- 
grace towering from his nape like a broom at the mast- 
head of a vessel for sale, was compelled to take his 
stand upon the top of the form for such a period of 
time, as his offense was thought to deserve. 

*'He had another contrivance for boys who were 
late in their morning attendance. This was to despatch 
a committee of five or six scholars for them, with a bell 
and lighted lantern, and in this odd equipage, in broad 
day light, the bell all the while tinkling, were they 
escorted through the streets to the school. As Dove 
affected a strict regard to justice in his punishments, 
and always professed a willingness to have an equal 
measure of it meted out to himself in case of his trans- 
gressing, the boys took him at his word; and one morn- 
ing when he had overstaid his time, either through 
laziness, inattention, or design, he found himself waited 
upon in the usual form. He immediately admitted 
the justice of the procedure, and putting himself behind 
the lantern and bell, marched with great solemnity to 
school, to the no small gratification of the boys and 
the entertainment of the spectators." 

Graydon gives further delightful pictures of early 
school life. At one time he was a pupil of John Bever- 
idge, a Scotchman, who was an exceedingly poor dis- 
ciplinarian. The boys took advantage of his weakness. 

In the afternoon Mr. B. was apt to be late. The 
bell rang, the ushers were at their posts, and the scholars 
were arranged in their clases. Three or four con- 
160 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

spirators concealed themselves without, to watch for 
the teacher. " He arrives," Gray don wrote, " enters the 
school, and is permitted to proceed until he is supposed 
to have nearly reached his chair at the upper end of 
the room, when instantly the door and every window 
shutter is closed. Now, shrouded in utter darkness, 
the most hideous yells that can be conceived are sent 
forth from at least three-score of throats, and Ovids, 
and Virgils, and Horaces, together with the more 
heavy metal of dictionaries . . . are hurled without 
remorse at the head of the astonished preceptor — who, 
on his side, groping and crawling under cover of the 
forms, makes the best of his way to the door. When 
attained and light restored, a deathlike silence ensues. 
Every boy is at his lesson, no one has had a hand or a 
voice in the recent atrocity. What then is to be done, 
and who shall be chastised.^" 

For several days this method of hazing the master 
was continued. Then the authorities interfered, and 
there was peace — until the boys thought up some new 
scheme to plague poor Beveridge. 

When Graydon began his school career in Philadel- 
phia he stayed at his grandfather's house, but later — 
on the death of his father — his mother moved to the 
city from Bristol, and Alexander went to school from 
her house. This was a boarding house, where boys 
lived who went to the academy, "of which there were 
generally a number from the southern province and the 
West India Islands," Graydon explained. 

Through the change of residence from his grand- 
father's house to that of his mother he was accustomed 
to pass many points of interest. "My course," he 

161 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

said, "generally led me through what is now called 
Dock street, then a filthy, uncovered sewer, bordered 
on either side by shabby stable-yards and tan-yards. 
To these succeeded the more agreeable object of Israel 
Pemberton's garden (now covered in part by the Bank 
of the United States) laid out in the old-fashioned 
style. Thence turning Chestnut street corner, to the 
left, and passing a row of dingy two-story houses, 
I came to the Whale bones, which gave name to the 
alley, at the corner of which they stood. These never 
ceased to be occasionally an object of some curiosity 
and might be called my second stage, beyond which 
there was but one general object of attention, and this 
was to get a peep at the race horses, which in sporting 
seasons were kept in the widow Nichol's stable, which 
from her house, (the Indian Queen at the corner of 
Market street), extended perhaps two-thirds or more 
of the way to Chestnut street. In fact, throughout the 
whole of my route, the intervals took up as much 
as the buildings, and with the exception of here and 
there a straggling house. Fifth street might have been 
called the Western extremity of the city." 

It is difficult to turn away from Graydon and his 
pictures of boy life at school. One more story he told 
must be repeated : 

"The enthusiasm of the turf had pervaded the 
academy, and the most extravagant transports of that 
theatre of triumph of a favorite horse, were not more 
zealous and impassioned, than were the acclamations 
which followed the victor in a foot-race round a square. 
Stripped to the shirt, and accoutred for the heat by a 
handkerchief bound round the head, another round 
the middle, with loosened knee-bands, without shoes, 

162 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

or with moccasins instead of them, the racers were 
started, and, bearing to the left round the corner of 
Arch street they encompassed the square in which 
the academy stands, while the most eager spectators 
. . . scampered over the church burying ground to 
Fifth street in order to see the state of the runners as 
they passed . . . The four sides of this square cannot 
be much less than three-quarters of a mile (?); wherefore, 
bottom in the courses, was no less essential than swift- 
ness, and in both, Lewis bore away the palm from every- 
one that dared enter against him. After having in a 
great number of matches completely triumphed over 
the academy, other schools were resorted to for racers, 
but all in vain." 

Some of the earlier students at the Academy found 
sport in baiting Robert Proud, an interesting character 
who taught Greek and Latin in the institution until 
the early seventies. His name appears in the catalogue 
of books published in 1798 in connection with his 
History of Pennsylvania from 1C81 to 1742. The 
book has been called the most confused and tedious 
composition that ever tormented human patience. It 
is easy to imagine how popular he was as an instructor. 

Andrew Porter was another of the celebrated 
school teachers of the eighteenth century. His boyhood 
was spent on the farm of his father, an elder in Norriton 
Presbyterian Church, and if his father had been given 
his way the schoolmaster would have been lost in a 
very mediocre farmer or a poor carpenter. "VMienever 
he had a chance he would read a borrowed book, and 
when a neighboring schoolmaster took an interest in 
him he was in his element. He had a special genius 
for mathematics. la one of the books borrowed from 

163 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

the friendly schoolmaster he became interested in the 
draft of a sun-dial, and he wondered if he could not 
make one. At a quarry on the Schuylkill near Spring 
Mill he found a stone which he thought would answer 
his purpose. This he carried eight or ten miles to his 
home. In his brother's carpenter shop, during the 
proprietor's absence, he reduced the stone to proper 
size and shape by the use of saws, planes and chisels. 
Of course the tools were ruined; but the sun-dial 
was finished satisfactorily. 

Next he opened a school near his home, and while 
there he attracted the attention of David Rittenhouse 
by his application for a book on conic sections. The 
astronomer, amazed to learn that the boy had studied 
mathematics but a few months, persuaded him that 
one of his talents was needed in Philadelphia. 

The name of Christopher Dock must not be omitted 
from a list of early Philadelphia school teachers of 
genius. While he did not teach in the city itself, his 
influence on education in the city was large. 

His first school was opened on the Skippack, in 
an old log meeting house of the Mennonites. Here 
the son of Christopher Saur, the printer, was one of 
his pupils. Through his son, Saur became interested 
in Dock's methods, and he finally persuaded the school- 
master to vmte a treatise telling of these. The manu- 
script of "Schul-ordnung" was the result. The author 
stipulated, however, that the book must not be pub- 
lished until after his death. 

The elder Saur died in 1758, and the son, who had 
been Dock's pupil, succeeded to the business. He 
finally secured Dock's consent, and the book appeared 

164 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

in 1770, the first educational book published in 
Pennsylvania. 

Martin C. Brumbaugh, in the edition of Dock's 
book which he has edited, says that Dock has given 
by indirection the only adequate picture of a colonial 
school. "It is not difficult to construct from his writ- 
ings a picture of life among the people of Penn's 
colony," he says. "One can vision the children living 
at home preparing for the day's duties; their march 
over hill and valley to the school; their entrance, the 
routine of the day's work with the teacher and the 
hearty * good-night' as they turn again to their home; 
the round of evening duties, and their weary foot- 
steps as they move half asleep to their rest." 

One evening in 1771 Dock did not return from his 
school at the usual hour. A search was made, and he 
was found in his schoolroom on his knees — dead. 
"Thus ended in prayer for his pupils a life singularly 
sweet and unselfishly given to the welfare of those 
whom he believed God had divinely appointed him 
to teach." 

Anthony Benezet has a place of peculiar honor 
among Philadelphia schoolmasters because he first 
gave instruction to the negroes. In 1770 he was in- 
strumental in establishing a school for them, and from 
1782 until his death in 1784 he w^as in charge of this. 
In his will he gave his house and lot, as well as the 
remainder of his estate, to the support of "a religious- 
minded person, or persons, to teach a number of negro, 
mulatto, or Indian children to read, write, arithmetic, 
plain accounts, needle work, etc." 

Dr. William Smith first attracted the serious at- 
tention of the friends of education in Philadelphia by 

165 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

a treatise he published in 1753, in which he gave his 
views of education and the requirements of an institu- 
tion of learning in a new country. Some of those 
who read it invited him to become teacher of Natural 
Philosophy, Logic, etc., in the Academy which later 
became the University of Pennsylvania. His strangest 
schoolroom was the gaol into which he was thrust in 
1758 because of his opposition to the non-resistance 
policy of the legislature of Pennsylvania. For a time 
his classes resorted to him there. 

A picturesque schoolmaster of the early days was 
Alexander Wilson, the ornithologist, who taught first 
in Frankford and then at Gray's Ferry. On February 
14, 1802, he wrote: 

"On the 25th. of this month I remove to the school- 
house beyond Gray's Ferry to succeed the present 
teacher there. I shall recommence that painful pro- 
fession once more with the same gloomy, sullen resig- 
nation that a prisoner re-enters his dungeon or a male- 
factor mounts the scaffold; fate urges him, necessity me. 
The agreement between us is to make the school equal 
to 100 dollars per quarter, but not more than 50 are to 
be admitted. The present pedagogue is a noisy, 
outrageous fat old captain of a ship, who has taught 
these ten years in different places. You may hear him 
bawling 300 yards off. The boys seem to pay as little 
regard to him as a duck to the rumbling of a stream 
under them. I shall have many difficulties to overcome 
in establishing my own rule and authority." 

Wilson was of unhappy disposition. No wonder, 
then, that he wrote, in July, 1802, of Philadelphia: 

"Leave that cursed town at least one day. It is 
the most striking emblem of purgatory, at least to me, 
that exists. No poor soul is happier to escape from 

166 




TIMOTHY MATLACK, SCHOOLMASTER 
(From the portrait by Charles W. Peale in Independence Hall) 




iu:.N('n A.\u lAiii.i. I -1.1) HV (•hkistophp:u dock in his school in 

GERMAXTOWX 




ALEXANDKK WILSON, SCJIOOLMASTKR 




J.^JVIES WILSON, TEACHER OF LATIN IN THE COLLEGE OF 

PHILADELPHIA AND .SIGNER OF THE DECLARATION 

OF INDEPENDENCE 

(From the painting by James Wharton in Independence Hall) 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

Bridewell than I am to smell the fresh air and gaze 
over the green fields after a day or two's residence 
in Philadelphia." 

It has been pointed out that it was an odd coinci- 
den<;e that in 1803 John J. Audubon, a young man 
who was destined to share with Wilson fame as one of 
the greatest naturalists America has produced, also took 
up his residence near the banks of the Schuylkill, not 
twenty-five miles away, just across from Valley Forge. 

One of the great disappointments of Wilson's life 
was the failure of his suit for the hand of Annie Bartram, 
daughter of John Bartram, Jr., and niece of William, 
who was in charge of "Kingsess Gardens," as Bartram's 
Garden was then called. To her the schoolmaster 
wrote poems and sent gifts of drawing materials; but 
she would not accept him as her husband. 

If all parents were as exacting of a schoolmaster 
as was Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker minister who 
was active during the earlier part of the eighteenth 
century, there would be more who would share in 
Alexander Wilson's pessimism concerning the calling. 
When, in 1727, Mr. Chalkley was about to send his 
children to school in Frankford, he wrote the teacher 
the following letter: 

"Loving friend, Nathaniel Walton, I hope thou wilt 
excuse the freedom I take with thee in writing this on 
account of my children in these particulars, viz. Re- 
specting the compliment of the hat and courtesying, 
the practice thereof being against my professes prin- 
ciples; 1st, because I find nothing like it in the bible, 
but, as I think, the contrary. Thou know'st the passage 
of the Three children of God, who stood covered before 
a mighty monarch; and Mordecai, who stood covered 

167 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

before great Haman : and, 2dly, I believe those practices 
derived from vain, proud man. 

"And as to language, I desire my children may not 
be permitted to use the plural language to a single 
person, but I pray thee to learn to say thee, and thou, 
and thy, and to speak it properly, (divers using it 
improperly) and the rather I desire it because it is all 
along used in the divine inspired holy writings , . . 

"The same care I would have them take, about the 
names of the days of the months, which are derived 
from the names of the Gods of the heathen, and are 
not found in the bible . . . 

"As to the school learning of my children, I leave 
to thy management, not questioning thy ability therein, 
and if they want correction spare not the rod." 

The result of the training given to his children 
by Chalkley in his home and by the schoolmaster 
who was compelled to follow the minister's directions 
was seen in George Chalkley, who died in 1733, at the 
age of ten years and seven days. His father said of 
him after his death that it was the boy's custom to 
write out anything that appealed to him in the books 
he read or in the Bible. Then he would learn it by heart. 

"One piece he wrote and got by heart," the father 
said, "was this: 

"*As one day goes another comes, 

And some times shows us dismal dooms; 
As time rowls on, new things we see. 
Which seldom to us do agree: 
Tho' now and then's a pleasant day, 
'Tis long in coming, soon away; 
Wherefore the everlasting truth. 
Is good for aged and for youth. 
, For them to set their hearts upon: 
For that will last till time is done."* 
168 



EARLY SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLMASTERS 

Poor ten-year-old George! His father somehow 
managed to crush all the joy out of his life. 

A student of a different sort was Neddy Burd, of 
Lancaster, later the husband of Elizabeth Shippen, 
sister of Margaret Shippen, who became the bride of 
Benedict Arnold. On April 28, 1765, he wrote a letter 
in which he told of his entrance to college: 

"About three weeks ago our Class was alarmed 
with the news of being examined by the Trustees. 
Luckily we had three days to prepare for it all which 
time we were much afraid of the Issue. I sat up until 
eleven o'clock & rose before five studying very hard. 
At length the much dreaded day arrived. We were 
conducted into the Electricity room, where the Revd. 
Mr. Duchee, iMr. Stedman, Dr. Alison & Mr. Beveridge 
were assembled. You may inform Grandpapa that we 
were first desired to translate a piece out of English 
into Latin, then we were examined in Horace lastly 
in Homer . . . The public Examination of the Senior 
Class was next day; When we were again desired to 
attend at the Electricity Room. Mr. Stedman spoke 
as follows, viz on account of your yesterday's Extra- 
ordinary performance you are admitted to Colledge." 

Oa November 17, 1816, William Irvin Wilson sent 
to his father, Hugh Wilson, of Deerstown, Pennsylvania, 
a letter telling of his entrance at the University of 
Pennsylvania Medical School: 

"After a very pleasant but rather expensive journey I 
arrived here and have succeeded in getting excellent 
lodging at the rate of Five dollars per week. I could 
obtain none on more reasonable terms within a proper 
distance of the University . . . There are about seven 
others in the house besides. There are between four 
and five hundred students who, when crowded into one 
room make a pretty respectable appearance. We 

169 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

attend six Professors in the day ... I have attended the 
Hospital and Ahnshouse each once; but I shall not be 
able to take the ticket of either for want of money; 
this will be something against me but I must put up 
with it. 

"I will now give you an account of my expenses 
since I left home. For the journey I expended $15 
Dollars including stage hire. For ticket $120. For 
boarding $10. For wood and candles $6.60. Discount 
$11. Expenses before I came to my lodging $3. Wash- 
ing and shoe blacking, &c, $2 . . . Which leaving me a 
very light purse. I expect I shall need some money. . . 

"To be here without money is not very pleasant. 
But I need not speak of this, I know you will do what 
you can. 

Pupils with light purses had little chance to get an 
education on equal terms with the rich until the passage 
of the school law of 1818, but until this was amended 
in 1836 there was still much to be desired. Since that 
time, however, the schools of Pennsylvania have be- 
come noted for their excellence and thoroughness. 



VIII 
WISE AND 0THER\\7SE 

Superstition in 1716 — The Life of a Woman Who Minds Her Own 
Business — Between Nose and Chin — "Not John, But the Demi- 
john" — Time to Burt West Philadelphia — "Miss Kitty Cut-a- 
Dabh" — Ode to a Market Street Gutter 

AN incident that shows how far away are the 
early days of Philadelphia was related in the 
Journal of Rev. Andreas Sandel on January 
12, 1716. It is evident that he really believed the things 
of which he told, and that he was ready to encourage 
the ignorant husband and wife in a delusion that sa- 
vored of the Middle Ages. The story should be read as 
he told it: 

"A dreadful thing happened in Philadelphia, to the 
wife of a butcher, who had quarreled with her husband. 
He asked her to make their bed, but she refused. Con- 
tinuing to refuse, he told her he would turn her out of 
the house, but she told him if he did so, she would break 
every window pane, and invoked the Devil to come for 
her if she did not do it. The husband led her out of the 
house, she became highly excited, broke some of the 
panes, and through the kitchen made her way up to 
the attic, with a candle, and laid down on the bed 
greatly disturbed on account of her promise. Then 
she heard somebody coming up the stairs, but saw no 
one — this was repeated for half an hour. Becoming 
more and more agitated, fearing her awful invocation 
was about to be realized, she went down to her husband, 
telling him of her anguish and asking him to aid her. 
Laying down on a bench near the hearth she perceived a 

171 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

dark human face, making horrid grimaces with mouth 
wide open and the teeth gnashing. Then she became 
thoroughly terrified, and asked her husband to read to 
her Psalm XXI, which he did, and the face disappeared. 
Soon afterwards she perceived at the window, one of 
which she had broken panes, that some one was standing 
there with both arms extended through the window, by 
which her fright was made greater. Then the figure 
approached and passed her . . . Her husband then 
clasped his arms around her, when the fumes of brim- 
stone became so strong they could not remain in doors. 
At one o'clock she sent for the minister, who also came 
and prayed with her the next day. Many persons 
visited her, but she had to hold her hands over her 
knees to keep from trembling." 

Writers of journals in colonial days usually showed 
more sense than Mr. Sandel, though often they were 
quite bombastic in their effusions, as when Sarah 
Eve, in 1773, wrote: 

"Will fortune never cease to persecute us.^^ but why 
complain! for at the worst what is poverty! it is living 
more according to nature — luxury is not nature but 
art — does not poverty always bring dependence? No, 
a person that is poor could they divest themselves of 
opinions is more independent than one that is not so, 
as the one limits his wants and expectations to his cir- 
cumstances, the other knows no bounds therefore is 
more dependent in many senses of the word — 'happy is 
the man that expects nothing, for he shall not be 
disappointed.' Poverty without pride is nothmg, but 
with it is the very deuce! But surely there must be 
something more dreadful in it than I can see, when a 
former acquaintance and one that pretended a friend- 
ship for another, such as Nancy T did . . . will 

always run from you as though poverty were really 
infectious. The lady I mentioned will cut down an 

172 



WISE AND OTHERWISE 

alley or walk herself into a perspiration rather than 
acknowledge she has ever seen you before, or if it so 
happen she cannot help speaking to you, it is done in so 
sHght a manner and with so much confusion, that, were 
it not for this plague 'Pride' I should enjoy it above all 
things. However, I have the satisfaction to feel myself 
in many respects as much superior to her as she is to me 
in point of fortune yet for years, I may say, we were 
almost inseparable, there was scarce a wish or thought 
that one of us had, that was not as ardently desired by 
the other; if we were eight and forty hours apart, it was 
looked upon as an age, two or three messages and as 
many letters passed between us in that time. And 
will it be credited, when I say, that without one word of 
difference we have not been ten mimutes together or at 
each other's house in two years and upwards." 

Once again the fair journalist moralized when she 
wrote, on the fifth anniversary of her father's departure 
to Jamaica, a departure made necessary by business 
reverses : 

"Happy mortals are we, that we cannot dive into 
futurity ! if we could how pleasure would be anticipated 
until it become tasteless, and the knowledge of distant 
evil make us utterly insensible to the joys of present 
good." 

Elizabeth Drinker also was fond of moralizing. 
A favorite subject was the habit of keeping a journal. 
In 1799 she wrote: 

"With respect to keeping a Diary — when I began 
this year I intended this book for memorandums, nor 
is it anything else. Y^ habit of scribbling something 
every night led me on — as what I write answers no 
other purpose than to help y^ memory. I have seen 
Diaries of different complections — some were amusing, 
others instructive, and others replete with what might 
much better be left alone. 

173 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

**My simple Diary comes under none of those de- 
scriptions. The first I never aimed at, for y® second I 
am not quaHfied, y^ third may I ever avoid. Tho' I have 
had opportunities and incitements, sometimes, to say 
severe things, and perhaps with strict justice, yet I 
was never prone to speak my mind, much less to write 
or record anything that might at a future day give pain 
to any one. The children, or y'' children's children of 
the present day, may be quite innocent of their parents* 
duplicity : how wrong it is to put on record anything to 
wound y^ feelings of innocent persons, to gratify present 
resentment. I have seen frequent instances of people, 
in the course of time, change their opinions of men and 
things — and sometimes be astonished by pique or 
prejudice; yet perhaps, tho' convinced that they have 
been wrong, unwilling to tear or spoil what they have 
wrote, and leave it to do future mischief." 

In verse the author of the diary once expressed 

her hatred of gossip : 

*'I stay much at home, and my business I mind. 
Take note of y® weather, and how blows the wind, 
The changes of Seasons, Sun, Moon, and Stars, 
The setting of Venus, and rising of Mars. 
Birds, Beasts, and Insects, and more I could mention, 
That pleases my leisure, and draws my attention. 
But respecting my neighbors, their egress and regress, 
Their Coaches and Horses, their dress and their address. 
What matches are making, who's plain, and who's gay, 
I leave to their Parents or Guardians to say: 
For most of these things are out of my way. 
But to those, where my love and my duty doth bind. 
More than most other subjects engages my mind." 

Several times she meditated on the passage of time 

and the loss of opportunities. On these occasions she 

dropped into rhyme, a thing she did not find it difficult 

to do. On August 31, 1794, she penned the feeling lines : 

174 




THE CHILDREN OF THOMAS AND JULIANA PENN 

(From tlie painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds, in the possession of the Historical Society 

nf Pennsylvania) 



WISE AND OTHERWISE 

"Who could have thought that y° season was past, 
Or that time rolled so swiftly away, 
When on a review from the first to the last. 
Finds this is the last summer's day." 

And on January 31, 1795, she said: 

"More than one twelfth of the New year gone and 

passed. 
The other elevenths will certainly fly away as fast, 
Then let us daily keep in mind what we at school 

were taught. 
That every moment of our time is still with mercy 

fraught." 

Mrs. Drinker needed a little of the sense of humor 
possessed by Jacob Longstreth who, so the story 
is told, one day met in his counting house Joseph 
Crukshank, a Quaker friend, Edward Sheepshank, 
and Maltby John Littleboy. The thought of this col- 
lection of incongruous names was too much for the 
business man, and he began to laugh and to ring the 
changes on them until the staid Quaker was out of 
patience. 

How Mr. Longstreth would have enjoyed talking 
with Judge Richard Peters, of Belmont, of whom 
the wittiest men Philadelphia ever produced. Some of 
Samuel Breck tells in his Memoirs, certainly one of 
the Judge's sallies have become famous. 

Mr. Breck says that Judge Peters was once at supper 
in Philadelphia in company with Judge Bushrod 
Washington, who presided over the United States 
Circuit Court, in which Judge Peters sat as a Junior 
Judge, The host repeatedly urged Judge Peters to 
eat some duck, but he constantly refused. At length, 

175 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

being again pressed, he said, "Give the duck to my 
brother Washington, for he is the mouthpiece of the 
Court." 

Another story told of Judge Peters has to do with his 
sharp nose and chin. As he grew old these approached 
each other. A friend observed to him that his chin 
and nose would soon be at loggerheads. "Very likely," 
was the reply; "hard words often pass between them." 

Judge Peters was once Speaker of the House of 
Assembly. One of the members in crossing the room 
tripped on the carpet arid fell flat. The House burst 
into laughter; but the Judge, with the utmost gravity, 
cried, "Order, order, gentlemen; do you not see that 
a member is on the floor .f*" 

The genial Judge was seated one day at the fish 
club [The State in Schuylkill]. At his side was General 
Wharton, the President of the Club. When the wine 
gave out, the General called, "We want more wine; 
please to call John." But the wit of the Philadelphia 
bar put in, instantly, "If you want more wine, you 
had better call for the demijohn." 

Another opportunity came soon after "a gentleman 
by the name of Vaux" was stopped by two footpads 
near Philadelphia. He had no money with him, so 
he was allowed to pass. Three days after, the Judge's 
son, in company with another wayfarer, was stopped 
by the same highwaymen and robbed of a gold watch 
and forty dollars. When the Judge heard of this, he 
exclaimed, "Oh, I know too well the luck of my family 
to suppose it would be with one of its members as it 
was the other day — Vox et 'praeterea nihiV^ 

Mr. Breck told also of a day when a very fat and a 
176 



WISE AND OTHERWISE 

very slim man stood at the entrance of a bar into 
whicli the Judge wished to pass. He stopped for a 
moment that they might make way, but, perceiving 
that they were not planning to move, and being urged 
by the master of the house to come in, he pushed 
between them, exclaiming, "Here I go, then, through 
thick and thin." 

One more story of this wit of Belmont. Some time 
after he laid out the town of Mantua (West Philadel- 
phia) the project languished. Suddenly some im- 
provement in the neighborhood renewed his hope. One 
of his acquaintances remarked that he had better now 
complete the laying out of the town. "Yes, yes," 
replied the Judge; "it is high time indeed to lay it 
out, for it has been dead these two years." 

Another Philadelphia worthy who flourished during 
Judge Peters' younger days, was Edward Shippen. He, 
too, had a spark of humor. Once for his grandson, 
Allen Burd, he wrote lines in Latin which were trans- 
lated thus: 

"From food when it is hash. 
From a young doctor when he is rash. 
From foe reconciled. 
And from woman wild. 
Lord, keep this child." 

Francis Hopkinson, too, was ready to drop into 
rhyme on occasion. Once, in imitation of II Penseroso, 
he contributed to The American Magazine a poem 
dedicated to Dr. William Smith, first Provost of the 
University of Pennsylvania. The closing lines referred 
to Dr. Smith's house at Falls of Schuylkill, which is 
still standing: 

12 177 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"And thou, Smith! my more than friend 
To whom these artless Knes I send, 
Once more thy wonted candor bring, 
And hear the muse you taught to sing; 

*'The muse that strives to win your ear. 
By themes your soul delights to hear, 
And loves, like you, in sober mood, 
To meditate of just and good. 

"Exalted themes! divinest maid! 
Sweet melancholy, raise thy head; 
With languid look, oh, quickly come. 
And lead me to thy Hermit home. 

"Then let my frequent feet be seen 
On yonder steep romantic green 
Along whose yellow gravelly side 
Schuylkill sweeps his gentle tide. 

"Rude, rough and rugged rocks surrounding, 
And clash of broken waves resounding. 
Where waters fall with loud'ning roar 
Rebillowing down the hilly shore." 

In 1782 Dr. Smith was made the excuse of lines by 
some poetaster whose name is not known to fame. A 
proposition had been made to Dr. Smith in the Com- 
mittee Room of the General Assembly, to add a rider 
to the bill for restoring the charter and property of 
the College of Philadelphia. To this proposition he 
made reply. The following extempore lines referred 
to the reply: 

"On mischief bent, by Ew-ng sent. 
With Rider in his hands. 
Came Doctor Guts, with mighty struts. 
And then of Smith demands: 

178 



WISE AND OTHERWISE 

"This Rider, Sir, to save all stir. 
By Mister Ew-ng's will, 
I bring in haste, pray get some paste 
And tack it to your bill. 

"Smith lifts his eyes — 'Hoot mun," he cries, 
'Take back your stupid stuff; 
Our answer's brief — the crafty thief 
Has ridden long enough.'" 

Alexander Wilson, also, loved the Schuylkill. His 
residence at Gray's Ferry, where he taught school, 
gave him opportunity for many walks along the banks 
of the fair stream. In 1804 he told of some of his 
thoughts in "The Rural Walk." Four stanzas of the 
poem may be quoted : 

"Down to the left was seen afar 

The whitened spire of sacred name. 
And Ars'nal, where the god of war 
Has hung his spears of bloody fame. 

"Then upward where it gently bends. 

And Say's red fortress tow'rs in view. 
The floating bridge its length extends — 
A lovely scene forever new. 

"There market-maids in lovely row, 
With .wallets white, were riding home. 
And thund'ring gigs, w4th powdered beaux, 
Through Gray's green festive shade to roam. 

"Sweet flows the Scuhylkill's winding tide 
By Bartram's emblossomed bowers. 
Where nature sports in all her pride 

Of choicest plants and fruit and flowers." 

The references in these lines were of course, to Christ 

Church, the Schuylkill, Dr. Benjamin Say's house 

at Gray's Ferry, and Gray's Garden. 

179 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Other local touches were given in "The Philadel- 
phiad," an odd collection of all sorts of verses, published 
in 1784. In this volume rhyme seemed more important 
than either meter or sense, as is evident from this extract : 

"Sweet Philadelphia! lov'liest of the lawn. 
Where rising greatness opes its pleasing dawn, 
Where daring commerce spreads the adventurous sail, 
Cleaves thro' the wave, and drives before the gale. 
Where genius yields her kind conducting lore, 
And learning spreads its inexhaustible store: — - 
Kind seat of industry, where art may see 
Its labours fostered to its due degree, 
Where merit meets the due regard it claims, 
Tho' envy dictates and tho' malice flames: — 
Thou fairest daughter of Columbia's train 
The great Emporium of western plain: — 
Best seat of science, friend to ev'ry art. 
That mends, improves, or dignifies the heart/' 

A gem from the miscellany in the second volume 
of The Philadelphiad, is "Miss Kitty Cut-a-Dash, or 
the Arch Street Flirt": 

"Observe that foot, how nice the shoe it fits. 
Her waist how slender, how her gown it fits,* 
How bold she walks, what fierceness in her air. 
And how the crowd submissively do stare. 
And hail her goddess of the beaut 'ous throng; 
But cease, good folios, your high opinion's wrong. 
First at her toilet Kitty spends the morn. 
To curl and patch, and face & neck adorn; 
She studies fashions with religious care, 
And scoffs religion with a scornful air. 
Thinks that the ways to heaven are laid with gauze. 
And that religion has no modern laws: 
When full equipt she rambles through the town. 
Or with her aunt some character runs down, 

180 





t 





\fr«v ll,-l,.rc„ IUd.i..,i, 



PROFILES CUT BY MAJOR ANDRE 

(From the original in the possession of the I-ibrary Company of Philadelphia) 



^:# 




THE CALASH 
(Invcntcil ITfio; worn till about 1S30) 




WEATHER VANE AND SCARECROW AT CHAMPLOST 
(House built 1742) 



WISE AND OTHERWISE 

Or with an air important through the shops. 
She cheapens fans and talks with ruffled fops: 
The young apprentice knows her tricks full well. 
For tossing goods without the hopes to sell; 
And spruce young milliners do often curse 
Her wanton taste and coin unsulli'd purse: 
Sweethearts by dozens in her train appears, 
Altho' the nymph is falling into years; 
They come like seasons and like seasons go. 
This one forgets her, that one answers no; 
And all despise and seek some happier dame 
Less fond of dress and more unknown to fame." 

There was far more of humor and certainly as much 
poetry in the parody which The Portfolio printed 
with the title, " Ode to a Market Street Gutter " : 

"O sweetest gutter! though a clown, 
I love to see thee running down: 
Or mark thee stop awhile, then free 
From ice, jog on again, like me; 
Or like the lasses whom I meet. 
Who, rambhng, stray along the street. 
As if they had nowhere to go! 
At times, so rapid is thy flow. 
That did the cits not wish in vain 
Thou woould'st be in the pump again; 
But like a pig, whose fates deny 
To find again his wonted sty. 
You turn, and stop, and run, and turn. 
Yet ne'er shall find your *native urn.' 

Last Thursday morn, so very cold, 
A morn 7iot better felt than told. 
Then first in all its bright array 
Did I thy frozen form survey; 
And goodness! what a great big steeple. 
What sights of houses, and such people! 

181 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

And then I thought, did I not stutter, 
But verse could, Hke some poets, utter. 
How much I'd praise thee, sweetest gutter!" 

That ability to enjoy such doggerel, at proper 
times, is never a hindrance to serious thought and 
earnest expression was proved by the experiences of 
early Philadelphians, whose minds stood just as much 
in need of a vacation as do the minds of thoughtful 
men and women of the present day. 



IX 

THE QUAINT CHURCH CUSTOMS OF 
LONG AGO 

When Steeples were Scarce — Troublesome Chains and Candle Light 
— A Pew for President Adams — The Coming of George White- 
field — Thet Wanted Him to "Cindle a Dead Coal" — All this 
for $300 Per Year! — A Busy Sexton — An Invitation to a Funeral 
— "Prancing it Through the Streets" 

IF there had been such a thing as an airship during 
the first half of the eighteenth century, and if 
an aeronaut flying over Philadelphia had formed 
his opinion of the city's ecclesiastical progress by the 
presence or absence of church steeples, he would have 
been compelled to decide that it was a most irreligious 
city. But the truth was that many of the earlier build- 
ings set apart for God's worship were Meeting Houses, 
and those who worshiped in them did not believe in 
steeples any more than they believed in monuments 
in their burying grounds, and those who built churches 
for the various denominations found it so difficult 
to raise funds for the absolutely essential parts of the 
structures that the building of steeples was left until 
a more convenient season. , 

The first steeple of any size was that of Christ 
Church. This was not built until 1752-3, nearly fifty 
years after the beginning of the building. When the 
decision was reached to complete the church by the 
addition of the steeple, subscriptions were invited. 
Three hundred citizens of Philadelphia made liberal 

183 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

response, but the amount raised was not suflScient. 
Accordingly, the vestry met to see how best to raise the 
remaining funds "for finishing the steeple and pur- 
chasing a ring of bells." It was decided to do this by a 
lottery, a scheme for raising the sum of one thousamd 
and twelve pounds, ten shillings, by a deduction of 
fifteen pounds per cent, on eighteen thousand Spanish 
dollars, commonly called pieces of eight, to be raised 
by the sale of four thousand five hundred tickets, at 
four pieces of eight each ticket. 

"The Philadelphia Steeple Lottery" was advertised 
at once. Thirteen men were appointed managers; of 
these Benjamin Franklin was one. These men were to 
sell tickets to all who came to the houses of the vendors. 
The drawing did not complete the fund, and a second 
drawing was held in 1753. The tickets read: 

Christ Church Lottery 

(1) Class. No. (7493) 

This intitles the Bearer to 

such Prize as shall be 

drawn Against the 

Number 

In 1754, soon after the completion of the steeple, 
Captain Budden brought over from England a chime 
of eight bells for which the bill was £560 7s. With 
the bells came a man who had assisted in making them. 
He had asked for the privilege of coming over to hang 
them in the steeple. Captain Budden refused to accept 
payment for bringing the chimes. Because of his 
generosity it was arranged that the bells should be 
rung whenever his ship, the Myrtellay should come up 
the Delaware. 
184 




REV. GEORGE DUFFIELD, D.D., PASTOR OF OLD PINE STREET CHURCH 

AND CHAPLAIN IN THE REVOLUTION, ON WHOSE HEAD 

THE BRITISH SET A PRICE 

(From the paintiiis by George Polk in Independence Hall) 




CHAIN V SKI) in RING SERVICES TO PROTECT OLD I'lXK SIKKKT ( lirU< H 

FROM STREET TRAFFIC 

(The original is in the collection of the Presbyterian Historical Society) 




IVA 



-_dL_ _ - — 


_^, 


1 y»,.,j?;. 


-J^ 


' -T)' "J"" f "■ 


,';...< ■; 






• / Jy 





THE COMMUNION SERVICE WHICH QUEEN ANNE 
PRESENTED TO CHRIST CHURCH, 1708 




ARCH STREET, WITH THE SECOND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
(From an engraving by Birch) 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

The steeple and the bells are valued by those who 
love old Christ Church more than perhaps any other 
possession, unless it be the flagon and the chaHce which 
Queen Anne gave to the congregation in 1708. 

When the Second Presbyterian Church was built, 
at Third and Arch Streets, a wooden steeple, which 
was also paid for by a lottery, crowned the structure. 
The appearance of this rival steeple caused a good deal 
of jealousy. The feeling found expression in a bit of 
doggerel : 

"The Presbyterians built a church. 
And fain would have a steeple; 
We think it may become the church. 
But not become the people." 

The Second Presbyterian Church not long after- 
wards lost its steeple, because this was decreed unsafe 
and was taken down. But the day came when the church 
had another distinction. The noise at Third and Arch 
Streets during the hours of servdce became so great 
that a petition was presented to the city authorities 
asking for relief. While nothing was done by the city, 
the state legislature stepped in and gave permission 
for the stretching of chains across the streets on which 
the church abutted. This was in 1799. Thereafter traffic 
had to avoid the church during service. Not only the 
Second Church but a number of other churches took ad- 
vantage of the permission. The chains were stretched 
from iron posts in which they were set in iron sockets. 

These chains caused so much trouble that even- 
tually they were removed. The records of the First 
Presbyterian Church, dated June 4, 1804, show that 
"Mr. WiUiam Page's Horse and Carriage had on the 

185 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

last Sabbath run foul of the chain placed across the 
street and injured it so much as to render it unfit for 
use." Mr. Fullerton was therefore requested to call 
on Mr. Page and procure payment for the damage. 

On another Sunday George F. Harrison "drove 
into town to obtain a physician for some dying member 
of his father's family. In attempting to return home, 
street after street was found to be closed against them, 
and much precious time was consequently lost." John 
Moss, who witnessed the efforts of the frantic driver 
to get free from the maze of chains, was so excited that 
he took the law into his own hands, and took down the 
chain at Locust and Seventh Streets, which guarded 
the First Presbyterian Church. Then he talked and 
wrote so vigorously against the custom that the chain 
was never replaced. 

A few years later there was still another change 
that led many of the staid old Philadelphians to shake 
their heads. All lighting of churches was by candles, 
even after other means of illumination were used else- 
where. It was not until 1819 that a committee in one 
of the oldest churches of the city proposed to sub- 
stitute lamps for candles. There v/as much opposi- 
tion to the innovation. But the committee was not 
ready to yield. The calculation was made that it would 
save $19.35 over candles, even when candles were 
bought by the box. There was the additional advan- 
tage that with lamps it would not be necessary longer 
to "line out the hymns." "But oil will leak on the peo- 
ple," the determined opponents replied. 

The objection managed to stand in the way of prog- 
ress for three years, but in 1822 it was resolved to place 
186 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

oil lamps in the north aisle of this church as a sample 
The experiment succeeded so well that in 1824, in this 
church, candles made way for oil lamps altogether. 

In the days when candles were still the unques- 
tioned source of light there was spirited rivalry among 
some of the churches for the presence of lights of another 
kind — the shining lights of Congress and the higher 
officers of government. A large number of the brightest 
men who were prominent in the early history of the 
nation were earnest Christians, and on Sunday they 
made their way regularly to the churches of their choice. 

The pew set apart in Christ Church as the gov- 
ernor's pew was later known as the President's pew. 
There Washington sat Sunday after Sunday. Dr. 
William White, Bishop of Pennsylvania, once WTote 
to an inquirer of the habit of church attendance of the 
first President of the nation : 

' "The father of our country, whenever in the city, 
as well as during the revolutionary war as in his Pres- 
idency, attended divine service in Christ Church of 
this city, excepting during one winter 1781-82, when, 
being here for the taking of INIeasures with Congress 
towards the opening of the next campaign, he rented a 
house near St. Peter's Church, then in parochial union 
with Christ Church. During that season he attended 
regularly St. Peter's. His behavior was always serious 
and attentive; but as your letter seems to intend an 
inquiry on the point of kneelmg during the service, I 
owe it to the truth to disclose, that I never saw him in 
the said attitude. During his Presidency, our vestry 
provided him with a pew, ten yards in front of the 
reading-desk. It was habitually occupied by himself, 
by Mrs. Washington, who was regularly a communicant 
and by his secretaries." 

187 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

In the minutes of the session of the First Presby- 
Church, whose organization dates from 1698, is an 
interesting record concerning Washington's successor: 

"Monday, February 6, 1797 
"The following arrangement was made to accom- 
modate John Adams, who will shortly be the President 
of the United States, with a Pew in the church, during 
the time he shall be President, viz. At the request of 
the Corporation Henry Keppele and the family of the 
late IVIr. Andrew Caldwell very politely agreed to give 
up their pew No. 92 for that purpose & to accommodate 
themselves in other parts of the Church; the corpora- 
tion therefore ordered the pew No. 92 to be fitted up in a 
decent Manner and an offer thereof made to Mr. Adams 
President Elect for the accommodation of himself and 
family during the time he shall be President of the 
United States." 

On February 8, 1797, John Adams wrote to the 
secretary of the corporation, saying: 

"I accept with pleasure the handsome accommo- 
dation they have been pleased to offer me, and ... I 
shall always be ready to make any compensation, that 
is expected of the possessors of pews in that elegant 
church." 

From the beginning of the city's history numbers 
of the wealthy and prominent as well as many of the 
poorer and more obscure citizens attended church with 
at least a degree of faithfulness. But there were al- 
ways those who felt that the city was well on the road 
to awful destruction. One of these was Thomas 
Chalkley, the Quaker preacher who spent many years 
in going up and down the country and in making 
voyages to the Quaker colony in Barbados. Early in 
188 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

1727, while making one of these voyages, he wrote 
out the story of his dire forebodings. He told of a 
wakeful night just before he left Philadelphia. It was 
then borne in upon him — 

"That the Lord was angry with the people of Phil- 
adelphia and Pennsylvania, because of the great sins 
and wickedness wliicli was committed by the inhabi- 
tants, in public houses, and elsewhere: and that the 
Lord was angry with the magistrates also, because they 
use not their power as they might do, in order to sup- 
press wickedness; and do not so much as they ought, 
put the laws already made in execution against pro- 
faneness and immorality: and the Lord is angry with 
the representatives of the people of the land, because 
they take not so much care to suppress vice and 
wickedness, . . . and it was shewed me, that the anger of 
the Most High would still be against us, until there 
was a greater reformation in these things." 

After penning this jeremiad Chalkley said : 

"It is worthy of commendation, that our governor, 
Thomas Lloyd, sometimes in the evening before he 
went to rest, us't to go in person to public houses, and 
order the people he found there to their own houses, 
till at length, he was instrumental to promote better 
order, and did in a great measure, suppress vice and 
immorality in the city." 

Thirteen years after the date of the Chalkley in- 
dictment there was tremendous excitement iu the city 
because of the coming of George Whitefield, the great 
evangelist, who drew enormous crowds wherever 
he preached. The people were attracted by his elo- 
quence and his earnestness, and thousands of them 
were persuaded to change their manner of life. 

A striking picture of the impression made in the 

189 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

city by the evangelist was given by Richard Hockley 
in a letter to Bernard Hannington, Charleston, South 
Carolina. In the middle of a business message he 
passed to the subject that was so profoundly interesting 
the entire city : 

"I cant pass over in Silence to you the surprizing 
Change and alteration I see in the People of this Place 
since that Shining Light the Rev'* M'" Whitefield has 
been amongst 'em who no doubt you have heard of. 
Religion is the Topick of Conversation and they all 
have it much m their mouths pray God it may sink 
deep into their Hearts so as to Influence their Actions 
and Conversation, make them good Neighbours and 
sincere Friends, which I know you will say Amen to, 
I have heard him several times here & in So Carolina 
and had several private Conversations with him, he 
appears to me to be a very sincere person Zealous for 
his Masters Cause, and justly admired for his Elegant 
though plain Language and easy to be understood, and 
for the Serious Vein of Piety that runs tlirough all his 
Exliortations crowded after by Multitudes tho much 
traduced by some who have no true sense of Religion, 
he is endeavouring to reclaim a wicked Vicious and 
Sinfull Age, and that with great authority and Courage, 
and ... I never heard or saw his Fellow." 

The Pennsylvania Gazette of May 1, 1740, made an 
announcement concerning Mr. Whitefield that later 
stirred up some controversy : 

" Since IVIr. Whitefield's Preaching here the Dancing 
School Assembly and Concert Room have been shut up 
as inconsistent with the Doctrine of the Gospel: And 
though the gentlemen concern'd caus'd the door to be 
broke open again, we are informed that no company 
came the last Assembly Night." 
190 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

In the next issue, the editor, Benjamm Franklin, 
said that offense had been given by the notice to "the 
Gentlemen concerned in the Entertainments." They 
insisted that Whitefield was deceiving the people, 
that he was using unfair means, that he had bought 
up all the printers so that nothing could be printed 
against him. They insisted that his "Doctrine and 
Practice" should be exposed and the people undeceived. 
Though Franklin did not like the tone of the letter, 
he printed it as he received it. 

The letter charged that William Seward, "who 
came into the Place as an Attendant and intimate 
Companion of Mr. Whitefield's inconsistently . . . with 
the Doctrine of the Gospel, took upon him to invade 
other Men's Property." Contrary to law and justice 
he had "shut up the Doors of the Concert Room with- 
out any previous Application to or consent had of any 
of the members." It further intimated that the doors 
remained closed that night because the members 
thought it was "below them to take any Notice of it." 
They "met the night after according to Custom; and 
the Tuesday following the Company met to Dance 
as they used to do; but the Assembly being only for 
the Winter Season is now discontinued of Course and 
the Concert being for the whole year still goes on as 
usual." 

The writer felt that this account of Seward's be- 
havior was in keeping with "his low craft in getting 
this Paragraph foisted into the News-Paper just before 
his Departure for England in order to carry it along 
with him and spread his Master's Fame as tho' he had 
met with Great Success among the better Sort of People 

191 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

in Penna. when at the same Time to his highest mor- 
tification he can't but be sensible that he has been 
neglected by them; and were they to deliver their 
Sentiments of him with the same Freedom he takes 
with others he wou'd presently discover they had 
both him and his mischievous Tenets in the utmost 
contempt." 

They went on to declare that this was not the only 
misrepresentation of Mr. Whitefield's success, "for in 
of all those Articles of News which give an account 
the vast Crowds who compose his Audience the Num- 
bers are always exaggerated being often doubled and 
sometimes trebled," The accounts being put in the 
papers by themselves, were frequently held to be evi- 
dence of their "little Regard to Truth." 

But Whitefield went on his way serenely, doing his 
work and securing wonderful results. Several times 
he returned to Philadelphia, but always there were 
those who opposed him. In 1764 the Rector of Trinity 
Church, Oxford, wrote: 

"I have the pleasure to acquaint the Society that 
my congregation appeared to be more steady than for- 
merly and better fixed in their principles, notwith- 
standing the powerful efforts that Mr. Whitefield is 
now making in Philadelphia ... St. Paul's the college 
and Presbyterian Meeting Houses were open to him; 
but the salutary admonitions of His Grace of Canter- 
bury to the Rector etc of Christ Church and St. Peter's 
have prevented his preaching at this time, in either 
of them." 

In spite of the new earnestmess which possessed 
the church by reason of Whitefield's preaching funds 
for church support were sadly lacking. In 1772, when 
192 




GLORIA DEI CHUHtH 
(Drawn by Thomas Sully) 




INTERIOR OF OI.D ST. DAVID S CHURCH, RADNOR 







x^iigj^, 



OHKUxNAL (iABLE WINDOW IN OLD PINE STREET PKESBYTERIAN CHURCH 
(May be seen by ascending to the Inft) 




INTERIOR OF ST. PETERS PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH, BUILT 1742 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

a minister was called to be pastor of the First Baptist 
Church, it was officially stated to him : 

"Our Funds for the support of a Minister are the 
parsonage, or £40 p. ann. in lieu thereof if more agreea- 
ble, the money arising from the pews wch if all let as we 
doubt not they soon wo*^ be on your settlement amongst 
us amount to upwards of Two hun^ and thirty pounds 
a Year." 

Seven years later the same church in issuing a call 
to Rev. Stephen Gano, who was doing work among 
the soldiers, said: - 

"You may Remember that Last year, you Rec^ a 
Call from this Church and Congregation — In Conse- 
quence of which you paid us a visit — But your Stay 
was too Short to Cindle the Dead Coal in a flaime — we 
are sensible at that time things had a gloomy Apearance 
which had no Doubt a Tendency to Discourage you 
from settling amongst us — ^But we Can with pleasure 
Informe you, things ware a Different Aspect, with us 
at present . . . We have frequent Application for Pews, 
and the Subscription fills up so fast So that with those 
and the several Donations left for the Suporte of a 
minister we doubt not but we Shall be able to Raise a 
Cumfortable Suport for your Selfe and family.'* 

But Mr. Gano did not see his way to leave the army 
for the pastorate; he did not feel that service to be ren- 
dered or support assured in the city field could be com- 
pared to the service and support in the work he was 
doing. 

His fear of the church's ability and readiness to 
pay a living salary seemed justified when, in 1780, 
the church paid a minister, for preaching four Sundays, 
at least eight services, eight silver dollars. The church 
historian in recording this says that "the four Sundays 

13 193 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

he spent here were not calculated to encourage ex- 
travagance in his family." 

The standard of payment offered to a minister in 
that day and the requirements made of him cannot 
be better shown than by quoting a letter received in 
1789 by Benjamin Chew of Philadelphia, from his son, 
Sam Chew, in Chestertown, Maryland: 

"As you have once more embarked in pubhc Business 
for the good of your Fellow Citizens, in their temporal 
Concerns, I take it for granted you will excuse the 
Trouble I am about to give you, in a matter of greater 
Importance We are in immediate want of a Parson. 
I could describe the Ejnd of Man who would suit us in 
few words; as for Instance, he must be unlike some 
others we have had, in everything but abilities. 
He must be a good Preacher, a soimd Divine and if a 
zealous High Church Man, so much the better. We 
want one, who will not only preach, but live down the 
Methodists. One who will think it his Duty, to lead 
the Asses to water, you know what I allude to, and not 
one who thinks of the Stipend only. In short, we 
want a Man who has a great deal of the church in his 
heart and a good deal of the Gentleman in his behavior. 
A person whose name is Belm, has been strongly rec- 
ommended to us, and I wish you to make some inquiries 
about him of Doctor White. If the Doctor hesitates, 
I shall govern myself accordingly, without bringing 
him into View, in the least. If he can venture to write 
in his Favour, an application will be made directly. 
The living including Perquisites, will I apprehend not 
fall much, if any, short of $300 per Ann. Be pleased 
to let me have an answer soon, as I suspect another 
Person, who is by no means the Thing, is Thought of 
by some People." 

If Elizabeth Fergusson could have read require- 

194 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

ments like these would she have felt like writing her 
parody of Pope in which she spoke of the joys of the 
man who was called to have oversight of such a church? 
This was her idea of his life: 

"How happy is the country parson's lot! 
Forgetting bishops, as by them forgot; 
Fragrant of spirit, with an easy mind. 
To all his vestry's votes he sits resigned. 
Of manners gentle and of temper even. 
He jogs his flock, with easy pace, to heaven. 
In Greek and Latin pious books he keeps. 
And, while his clerk says psalms, he soimdly sleeps. 
His garden fronts the sun's sweet orient beams. 
And fat church wardens prompt his golden dreams. 
The earliest fruit in his fair orchard blooms. 
And cleanly pipes pour out tobacco fumes. 
From rustic bridegroom oft he takes the ring. 
And hears the milkmaid plaintive ballads sing. 
Back-gammon cheats whole winter nights away. 
And Pilgrim's Progress helps a rainy day." 

The pastor was not the only officer of the church 
who was expected to do much work and receive a very 
meager living. The sexton, too, had a hard time of it. 
One Philadelphia church in 1806 adopted rules for the 
government of this important personage that bring 
a smile to the face of the reader : 

"In consideration of the sum of One Hundred 
Dollars, annually to be paid to me by the Trustees . . . 
I the subscriber do agree and covenant ... to Act as 
Sexton . . . and perform the following Services — I will 
Keep a Register of all the Burials, noting the Age and 
Disease of the deceased which shall be annually ren- 
dered to the Trustees and to commence from May 
1806 — I engage to open the Doors and Windows of the 
Church every Sabbath Day and such other seasons as 

195 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

may be required, attentively show strangers to seats, 
dust the pews every Saturday and Sweep the House 
entire — Also to arrange the Sacramental Tables before 
every Communion Season — attentively make and take 
care of the Fires in the Stoves — ^Also to suspen<J the 
Chain before the Church and across Elbow Lane every 
Sabbath both fore and afternoon — Also to take care 
that the Burial Ground Gates be kept secured, and 
the Ground preserved from the Incession of Cows, 
Dogs or other animals, and in general I consent to 
perform all the duties which shall be required of me 
by the Trustees as Sexton." 

The files of the early Philadelphia newspapers 
give interesting facts concerning many of those for 
whom some sexton opened the gates of the burying 
ground. There was, for instance, the Pennsylvania 
Gazette of August 24, 1774, with the notice: 

"On Sunday evening last, after five days illness, 
died, in the prime of life, Miss Polly Franks, second 
daughter of David Franks, Esq.; of this city — a young 
lady whose sweetness of temper, elegance of manners, 
cheerful conversation and unblemished virtue, en- 
deared her to all her connexions, and especially to her 
now mournful parents, who found her in every part of 
life a shining example of filial duty and affection — Her 
remains were interred, Monday forenoon, in Christ- 
Church burying ground, amid the tears of her numer- 
ous acquaintainces and relatives." 

Again the gates of Christ Church opened for the 
widow of one whom the church had ever delighted to 
honor. Paulson's American Daily Advertiser of October 
17, 1801, told the story: 

"On Wednesday last, in the 88th year of her age, 
Mrs. Susannah Budden, the relict of capt. Richard 
196 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

Budden, a native of old England, so well known for 
many years by the frequency and safety of his voyages 
between London and Philadelphia, that his ship was 
called the bridge between those two ports; when a 
young sailor he accompanied Wm. Penn on his last 
visit to Pennsylvania, and was introduced when a man 
by his son, Thomas Penn, to King George the 2^; who 
supposing him, from the plainness of his dress to be a 
quaker, pleasantly addressed liim in the language of 
that religious society, and directed him to cover his 
head. The widow of this venerable sea captain, 
survived him five and thirty years, and passed the long 
evening of her life in a peaceful retirement from the 
eyes and bustle of the world. Her death and funeral 
were announced by the ringing of the bells of Christ 
Church (muffled) as a tribute of respect to her worth, 
and of gi'atitude to her husband, who presented the 
church with the freight of those Bells from London, 
forty or fifty years ago. 

"Eight days before she died she requested to be 
interred in the same grave with her husband in Christ 
Church burying ground (which was accordingly done 
last evening) and that the following hues should be 
added, with her name, to the words 'prepare to follow' 
which are inscribed upon his tombstone, 

"I am prepar'd — God called me. 
My Soul I hope, doth rest in thee." 

Two obituary notices of the year 1766 are of un- 
usual interest not only because of the relationship of 
the subject to Benjamin Franklin, but because they told 
of husband and wife who, after a long life together, died 
within a few weeks of one another. The Pennsylvania 
Gazette of July 3, 1766, told of the husband's death: 

"On Tuesday morning last died suddenly, at his 
House in Market-street, in the Seventy-fourth Year 
of his age, Peter Franklin, Esq; Deputy Postmaster of 

197 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

this City, only brother to Benjamin FrankHn, Esq. 
He was an affectionate Husband, a kind Master, a 
generous Benefactor, and a sincere Friend." 

And on August 21, 1766, the same paper gave 
tidings of the wife's departure to join her husband : 

"On Thursday Night last died, after a short illness, 
in the 70th Year of her age, Mrs. Mary Franklin, the 
Virtuous and Amiable Consort of the late Peter Franklin, 
Esq; of this City. She was a Gentlewoman who, from 
Principles of Christianity, discharged the duties of a 
long Life with unblemished Integrity; which, added to a 
sound Understanding, and a happy Disposition, ren- 
dered her beloved by all those who had the Pleasure of 
her Acquaintance." 

Newspaper notices of funerals were in Germantown 
supplemented by a method described by Townsend 
Ward: 

"Every door was what was called a half door, and 
usually the upper haK was open. Along the road, up 
one side of it and down the other, would stalk the self- 
important herald, who, standing at the threshold of each 
in turn would proclaim in a loud voice, 'Thyself and 
family are bidden to the funeral of Dirck Hogermoed at 
three o'clock to-morrow.' And so he went from house to 
house. At the appointed time the citizens would gather 
at the house and each as he entered would take from 
the table that stood by the door, a glass of spirits, which 
it was considered an affront not to do. After a time of 
solemn communing they would mount their horses, 
the wife on a pillion behind her husband, and thus 
would they ride to!the Burying Ground to see the ancient 

' Each in his narrow cell forever laid.' " 

Another strange funeral custom was commented 
on by Sarah Eve in her journal. On July 12, 1773, 
198 



CHURCH CUSTOMS OF LONG AGO 

she wrote of taking part in the funeral of a child, as 
pall bearer. "Foolish custom for Girls to prance it 
through the streets without hats or bonnets," she wrote. 

The custom persisted for many years. Hannah 
M. White wrote on December 19, 1813, after attending 
Fanny Durden's funeral: "Six young ladies of her 
intimate acquaintance, of which I was one, were asked 
to be pall bearers. We were aU dressed in white with 
long white veils." And Arthur Singleton, an English 
writer, reported in 1814: "I saw in Chestnut street 
the funeral of a youth of about ten years, whose bier 
was borne in the hands of four young friends . . . 
dressed all in white, with the curls of long hair drop- 
ping aloose down the shoulders. There was an agreeable 
melancholy about it, which interested me. It is a 
relick of an ancient custom, now rare, that the de- 
ceased youth should be supported to the grave by the 
opposite sex." 

The writing of elegies for a dead friend was, in 
the eighteenth century a popular method of showing 
grief and respect. One of the best of these elegies was 
that by Elizabeth Waring m 1760, after the death of 
John Wagstaffe, Quaker preacher, one of two brothers, 
singularly gifted, who made their living by selling hats 
and gloves: 

"Two Brothers, who, amid the Bloom of Youth, 
Bid sin adieu, and nobly clos'd with truth; 
Took up the Cross, obey'd the Spirit's Lore, 
And, rich in Faith, submitted to be Poor. 
To God devoted, offer'd earliest Hours, 
And in his Cause, exerted all their Powers; 
The sacred text with Energy convey 'd. 
Humbled the Proud, the Hypocrite dismay'd 

199 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Cheer'd the Penitent, confirm'd the Weak, 
Who could be unconcerned while they speak? 
Powerful their Words as Moses' Rod of old, 
Which struck the Rock, and plentious Torrents roll'd.' 



But ah, they're gone! No more we see their Face, 
That did so oft our annual meeting grace, 
No more they dress the Hand, or cloath the Head, 
But lie interr'd amongst the silent Dead." 

The eighteenth century gave way to the nineteenth, 
and the nineteenth century has become the twentieth, 
but the hearts of those who live in Philadelphia are as 
appreciative as ever of the good to be found in others. 



X 

COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

Giving Notice in a "Publick Place" — Why Sally Was Sad — She Did 
Not Keep Her Promise — A Baby "of the Worst Sex" — An 
Elopement and its Painful Sequel — A Peep at a Bride's Trous- 
seau — She Married a Widower — Some Humors of Colonial 
Courtship — The Awful Penalty of Attracting Men 

ON November 28, 1917, one who was privileged 
to be a spectator at a marriage service in a 
Quaker Meeting House in Philadelphia was 
teUing in detail what had been done and said. One of 
the listeners, who, during the hour of the wedding, had 
been at the library of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, copying some old documents, thereupon read 
from one of the copies he had made, as it happened 
the account of a Meeting House wedding which took 
place November 28, 1686, two hundred and thirty 
one years to a day earlier. 

The hearers were amazed. "But for the archaic 
language and spelling, and the difference m names, 
this might be the account of the marriage we have just 
witnessed," was the comment of one of them. 

The document of 1686 read as follows: 

"Whereas Thomas Ducket t of Skulkill in the 
County of Philadelphia Bricklayer hath according to 
law Published his Intention of Mariage with Ruth 
Wood Wid of Rich Wood Deceased and likewise both 
of them having declared their said Intentions before 
severall Mens and Womens Meetings of y^ People of 
God called Quakers according to the good order used 

201 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

amongst tliem, whose proseedings therein after due 
consideration was approved by y** said meetings. Now 
these are to certifye all whom it may concerne that for 
the full determination of their intentions aforesaid this 
28th day of y^ 11 Month 1686 they the said Thomas 
Duckett and Ruth Wood in a publick solemn assembly 
of y** aforesaid People Met together for that purpose at 
their Publike Meeting house at Philadelphia according 
to y* Example of y*' Holy Men of God recorded in the 
scriptures of truth did then and there take each y® other 
as husband and Wife in Manner and forme as followeth 
viz Tho Duckett taking Ruth Wood by y^ hand, said, 
ff riends in the fear of the Lord and presence of you his 
People I take this my jft'riend Ruth Wood to be my 
Wife promising to be to her a faithfull and loveing 
husband till death separate and then immediately 
after did Ruth Wood declare and say I Ruth Wood doo 
in the Presence of y'' Lord and you his People take 
Tho Duckett to be my husband promising to be to him 
a faithfull and obedient Wife so long as it please y^ 
Lord we shall live together and the sd Tho Duckett & 
Ruth Wood as father confirmation thereof did then 
and there to these presents sett their hands, and we 
whose names are hereunto subscribed are witnesses 
of the same the Day and year above written." 

Another form of certificate, which was filed early 
the same year by John Moon and Martha Wilkins, 
read: 

"These are to satisfie whom it may concern that 
Whereas John Moon of Philadelphia in the Province of 
Pennsilvania Merchant and Martha Wilkins of the 
same Spinster for the fullfulling a Law of the Province 
in that case made & Provided did Post or set a Paper 
upon a Certain noted publick Place in the County 
where they lived showing their intentions of taking 
each other as husband and Wife and nothing being 
202 




THE QUAKER WEDDING 
(From the painting by Percy Bigland, in possession of Isaac H. Clotliier, Wynnewood, 

Pennsylvania) 









•'■ *"■ •■■,. a| 


'1 


1 ^ 


■ 






^^M 


^^^^^llfeli^^flfl 


M 



JULIANA PENN 
(The wife of Thomas Penn) 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

since objected to the Contrary which said time bein^ 
since expired and sufncient proof thereof made of it to 
the Register of the County in which they lived they 
the said John Moon and Martha Wilkins did since 
solemnly take each other as husband & Wife at the 
House of John Moon in y^ town & County of Phila- 
delphia aforesaid before us whose names are hereunto 
subscribed the three & twentieth Day of the 3d Month 
beingTy® first Day of the Week 1686 by taking each 
other by y® hand, and promising to be loving and faith- 
full each to other as husband & Wife till Death should 
part them the Parties themselves having also sub- 
scribed their Names." 

Later it was not sufficient to "Post or set a Paper 
upon a Certian noted Publick Place," but a license 
was required of all those who wished to be married. 
The license used in 1777 was a formidable document: 

"Know all Men by these Presents, That we 

are held and firmly bound unto 

Esquire, President of the Supreme Executive 

Council of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Captain 
General and Commander in Chief in and over the 
Same, in the Sum of ... . Pounds, to be paid to the said 

Esquire, his certain Attorney, 

Executors, Administrators or Assigns, or his Successors 
in the said Ofl&ce : to the wliich Payment well and truly 
to be made, we bind ourselves jointly and severally for 
and in the W^hole, our Heirs, Executors, and Adminis- 
trators, fi.rmly by these Presents — Sealed with our Seals 

Dated the Day of in the Year of our 

Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and 

"The Condition of this Obligation is such, That if 
there shall not hereafter appear any lawful Let or Im- 
pediment, by reason of any Pre-contract, Consan- 
guinity, Affinity, or any other cause whatsoever, but 
that the above-mentioned may lawfully 

203 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

marry; and there is not any Suit depending before any 
Judge, for or concerning any such Pre-contract; and 
also if the said Parties, and each of them are of the full 
Age of Twenty-one Years, and are not under the Tui- 
tion of his or her Parents, or have the full Consent of 
his or her Parents or Guardians respectively to the said 
Marriage; and if they, or either of them, are not in- 
dented Servants, and do and shall save harmless and 

keep indemnified the above-mentioned 

Esquire, his Heirs, Executors and Administrators, or 
his Successors in the said Office, for and concerning the 
Premises; and shall lil^ewise save harmless and keep 
indemnified the Clergyman, Minister, or Person who 
shall join the said Parties in Matrimony, for, or by 
Reason of, his doing so; then this Obligation to be Void, 
and of none Effect, or else to stand in full Force and 
Virtue. 

Sealed and Delivered 
in the Presence of 



"The Supreme Executive Council of the Common- 
wealth of Pennsylvania 

"To any Protestant Minister 

"Whereas Application has been made to Us by 

to be joined together in holy Matrimony, 

and there appearing no lawful Let or Impediment by 
Reason of Pre-contract, Consanguinity, Affinity, or 
any just Cause whatsoever, to hinder the said Marriage: 
These are therefore to license and authorize you to, 
join the said in the holy Bonds of Matri- 
mony, and them to pronounce Man and Wife." 

But the license and the certificate were not always 
the only legal documents passed on these interesting 
occasions. Sometimes there was also an ante-nuptial 
agreement, and this was carefully signed and sealed. 
Such an agreement was made between Jacob Spicer 
204 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

and Deborah Learning in 1751. Only six of the twenty- 
one particulars named are here quoted : 

"To Mrs. Deborah Learning, 
"Madam: 

"Seeing I Jacob Spicer have addressed myself to 
you upon the design of Marriage, I therefore esteem it 
necessary to Submit to your consideration some par- 
ticulars before we enter upon the Solemn Enterprize 
which may either establish our happiness^ or Occasion 
our Inquietude during life 

"I conceive the following Rules and particulars 
ought to be steadily observed and kept, viz. 

"1st. That we keep but one purse, a Severance of 
Interest bespeaking diffidence, mistrust, and disunity 
of mind. 

"2d. That we avoid anger as much as possible, 
especially with each other, but if either should be 
overtaken therewith, the other to treat the angry 
Party with Temper and moderation 

"9th. That if any misunderstanding shou'd arise 
the same to be calmy Canvassed and accommodated 
between ourselves without admitting the Interpo- 
sition of any other, or seeking a Confident to either 
reveal our mind unto, or Sympathize withall upon the 
Occasion - ^ 

"13th. That in Mattejre of Religious Concernment 
we be at liberty to Exercise our Sentiments freely 
without Controul 

"15th. That we use the Relatives of each other 
with Friendly Kindness 

"21st. That if anything be omitted in the foregoing 
rules and Particulars that may Conduce to our future 
Happiness and 'welfare, the same to be hereafter Sup- 
plied by reason and discretion as often as Occasion 
shall require. 

"I Deborah Leaming in Case I marry with Jacob 
Spicer do hereby Promise to Observe and Perform the 

205 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

before going rules and Particulars ... As Witness my 
hand the 16th day of December 1751. 

"Deborah Learning." 
"I Jacob Spicer in Case I marry with Deborah 
Leaming do hereby promise to observe and Conform to 
the before going rules and particulars, ... as Witness 
my hand the 16th day of December 1751. 

"Jacob Spicer.'* 

Not all documents that passed between those who 
planned to marry were so formal and businesslike. 
Men wrote love letters to young women in early days 
just as they write them to-day, and as they will write 
them to the end of time. 

Perhaps Rev. Elias Keach was not so young as 
some swains, and possibly his inamorata, Mrs. Mary 
Helm, had passed her first youth, but this was no reason 
for lack of ardor in their love letters. On August 24, 
1696, the minister was in his "studdy at Christeena 
Creek." Some may say that he ought to have been 
studying his sermon for the next Sunday, but the 
thought of the fair Mary in Philadelphia was too much 
for him, and he could not study until he prepared for 
her a warm message that was far more important to 
him, just then, than any sermon could be. And this 
is what he wrote: 

"Dearest Ladie; 

" My boldness in Rushing these Rude and unpolished 
lines into your Heroick & most Excelent Presence, doth 
cause me to suspect your amazement & may justly 
cause you to suspect my unmannerliness . . .But Lady 
let me crave the mantle of your Virtue the which noble 
& generouse favour will hide my naked and deformed 
fault, . . . ever since I saw thee sun-rise of your comly 
& gracious presence the sun beams of your countenance 
206 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

& your discreet & virtuous behaviour, hath by degrees 
wroat such virtuouse heat & such Ammorouse Effects 
in my disconsolate heart; that that which I must at 
present disclose in words, in yom- graciouse presence; 
I am forct (altho far distant from you) to discover in 
Ink & paper; trusting in God that this may be a Key to 
open the door of your virtuous & tender heart against 
the time I do appear in person. Dear Mistress;. . .1 
must need say that this is not a common practice of 
mine to write letters of this nature; But Love hath 
made that proper which is not common; Mrs. Mary 
If I had foreseen when I saw you what I have since 
experienced I would have foreshown a more Ample 
and courteous behaviour than I then did ... I know it is 
folly to speak in my own Praise, seeing I have learnt 
this Lesson Long Ago wise is that man that speaks few 
words in his own praise; again as for a Portion; I would 
have you have as favourable a construction concerning 
me as I have concerning you,. . .this is the earnest 
(yet Languishing) Desire of his Soul, who hath sent 
his heart with his Letter; and Remains your Cordiall 
friend earnest suitor faithfull Lover & most Obligeing 
Servant, 

"Elias Keach pastor 

& Minister in 

Newcastle Coimty." 

The records tell of another minister the story of 
whose courtship and marriage would take the prize 
for brevity. His name was Andreas Sandel, and he 
was pastor of Gloria Dei Church, Philadelphia, from 
1702 to 1719. On February 1, 1704, he told in his 
journal the first chapter of his love story : 

"In the name of the Lord, I set out to offer myself 
in marriage, (on the other side of the river) to Maria, a 
daughter of the late Per. Matson (a Swede), and ar- 
rived there after dark." 

207 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Chapter 2 followed promptly, thus: 

"February 2 — In the morning I told the object of 
my visit, and she said yes, as did her Mother." 

Chapter 3 : 

"February 9 — Arrived here the New Governor, 
Jean Evans, a Churchman. The banns were published 
the first time of me and Maria, Matson's daughter." 

Chapter 4 : 

"February 22 — To Maria, Per's daughter, I was 
married in the Lord's name at Wicacoa. . .The Gov- 
ernor and a great many people present.'* 

There is a little more romance about the story of 
Sarah Plumly and Edward Shippen. On August 2, 
1725, he set out for Boston, and a few days later his 
Sarah sent the following message hurrying after him : 

"Dear Neddy: 

"As soon as you left me I went up stairs with a 
sorrowful heart & laid me down endeavouring to sleep 
but could not for you was so deep in my thoughts that 
I could not do any thing all that day, but think of you 
and the dear parting experience, & the next day I went 
and sat with Cousin Baynton all day to divert myself. 
Wednesday night I sent billy to see if the post was 
come he was not come then and I sent him up next 
morning and the post was come but there was no letter. 
Saturday when your father was out of town John 
Kearsey brought the letters & Josey was here & I could 
not be easy till he had opened it, & I took mine out 
with abundance of joy & am glad to hear you are well 
& that you like your horse & the opinion I have of your 
sincere love makes me easy & nothing but Death shall 
put an end to it & dont forget her who shall ever con- 
tinue to be your most sincere and affectionate friend 

"Sarah Plumly." 
208 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

"Neddy" in Boston very properly got up at five 
in the morning to prepare a letter for Sarah, and this 
is a part of what he sent: 

" . . .My dear soul I beg you to be choice of your 
health. I am not (as I told you at parting) at all 
afraid of my Father's slighting you, for I know he 
always respected you, and will show it more in my 
absence than presence. I desire earnestly that you 
may provide some of the necessary things for our 
settling. . . 

"What signifies fretting my dear pretty soul at 
things that can not be helped, You and I love one 
another dearly and I hope as it hath pleased God to 
conduct me safely here, so He will extend His love 
further by guarding me safe home again . . . 

"Lett me beg of you honey to take as much care of 
your health as I do of mine. So conclude with dear 
love to my Dearest Sally, 

"her sincere friend 
"Edwd Shippen." 

Evidently health was preserved, the home coming 
was without accident and "Sally" was prospered in 
getting things together for the wedding, for the very 
next month the ardent young people were married. 

A few years later love letters were sent by William 
Franklin, son of Benjamin Franklin, to Elizabeth 
Graeme which were not followed by marriage. The 
inexorable records show that the recipient of the letters 
later married a man named Fergusson. 

Parts of two letters were as follows : 

"Thou dear Tormentor! 

"Your most agreable vexatious little Billet occa- 
sioned me more Pleasure and Uneasiness than I chuse to 
oblige you with the Pain of Hearing at present. . ." 

14 209 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"Is this possible! Can such dire Revenge dwell 
in so fair a Breast? Two Posts, and three gentlemen 
from Philad* and not a single Iota from my Betsy!. . . 
But I won't complain. . .Should she know what I 
suffer it would only serve as an additional Motive for 
persevering in her late extraordinary Conduct;. . . 

"Thanks to my Stars the Post is just agoing, and 
now stands at my Elbow impatiently waiting for this 
Letter. I might otherwise, perhaps, have fill'd the 
whole Sheet with earnest Intreaties that you would 
once more oblige me with the Pleasure of hearing from 
you. But as That in all Probability would have been a 
sufficient inducement for your not writing at all, re- 
member I do not say I desire you to send one Scrape of a 
Pen to 

"Your too fond 
"Franklin." 

There was a more fortunate issue to the love affair 
of John Smith, whose letter of "12 mo 5th, 1747-8" 
to Hannah Logan was followed by the marriage of the 
young people on December 7, 1748. But the lover was 
by no means sure of the daughter of the owner of 
Stenton, even for several months after the penning of 
the ardent missive in which he said: 

"It is now some years since first I conceived a very 
great Esteem for thy person. . .Soon after I had some 
opportunities for Converse when thee was in Company, 
which much Enhanced my Esteem. I plainly saw 
that though the Cabinet was Exquisitely framed, the 
Mind lodged in it was Excellent; and this as it renewed 
and strengthened my former Regard so it increased 
the difficulty .... Many were the Racking thoughts 
occasioned by the different sensations of desire and 
doubt. . . 

"When in any degree favoured with Access to the 
Throne of Grace I spread my case there, and with the 

210 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

Utmost Submission and Reverence, desired to be led 
aright in so weighty an AfFair. Many and frequent 
were my applications of that sort, and I often found 
return of satisfaction and peace in these Addresses, 
and sometimes a Nearness and Sympathy with they 
Exercises, in such an Affecting Manner, that words 
cannot convey any Adequate Idea of . . . 

"I have acted with a great deal of fear and Caution, 
lest I should do anything that would disoblige thee, and 
should propitious heaven Incline a tender Sentiment 
in thee in my favour, I should think no pains too great 
to take to Convince thee of the Sincerity of my Love, 
My dear Hannah; I ask not any hasty Conclusion, I 
only Beg that thou would weigh my proposal in the 
Most Serious Manner, and I trust thou wilt find a 
freedom to permit my frequent Visits, and that all 
Objections and difficulties will in time be removed — 
and we shall know the Encrease of our Esteem for 
each other by mutual Good Offices . . . 

"I conclude with Observing that Marriage is a 
solemn thing, but when undertaken with upright, honest 
intention, and the Blessing of the Almighty Solemnly 
sought and had therein, it must certainly be the hap- 
piest State of Life ... I pray God to pour down his 
choicest Blessings upon thy head — and with the Sal- 
utation of the Tenderest Regard, I remain 

"Thv Trulv Affectionate Friend 
"John Smith." 

Mr and IVIrs. John Smith were staid and sober 
married people when another lover, who can be known 
only as "J. S.," wrote to the girl he left behind him at 
Lewes, Delaware, when he went off to fight under 
Washington. From Philadelphia he sent his greetings 
to one whom he addressed as "My Dearest Girl:" 

"... this is the forth Time I have Wrote to 
Lewes since I left it but have not received one Line 

211 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

from any friend in that Quarter . . . weekly Letters 
were mutually promised mine has not failed but no 
Return makes me unhappy ... I shall leave this 
Place immediately and can not expect to hear from you 
God knows when As soon as I arrive at Camp I shall 
embrace the first opportunity of informing you of my 
Situation — God send a Speedy & honorable End to 
our Troubles; Believe me, my dearest Girl, I am often 
almost ready to leave every Engagement and fly to the 
Arms of her who I flatter my wishes to make me happy, 
which none else can do. . . " 

Another soldier of the Revolution whose name, 
unfortunately became only too well known, on Septem- 
ber 25, 1778, sent a letter to Margaret (Peggy) Shippen 
in Philadelphia which it would have been well if she 
had never received, for her later marriage to the writer 
brought her little but sorrow. However, the letter 
promised great things: 
"Dear Madam;— 

" Twenty times have I taken up my pen to write to 
you, and as often has my trembling hand refused to 
obey the dictates of my heart — a heart which, though 
calm and serene amidst the clashing of arms . . . 
trembles with diffidence and the fear of giveng offence 
when it attempts to address you on a subject so im- 
portant to its happiness . . . 

"My passion is not founded on personal charms 
only; that sweetness of disposition and goodness of 
heart, that sentiment and sensibility which so strongly 
mark the character of the lovely Miss P. Shippen, ren- 
ders her amiable beyond expression, . . . On you 
alone my happiness depends, and will you doom me to 
languish in despair .^^ . . . Do you feel no pity in your 
gentle bosom for the man who would die to make you 
happy? . . . Friendship and esteem ... is the 
most certain basis to build a lasting happiness upon; 
212 




% 



MAR(iAKKT CpEGCY') SHIPPEN 




(1) COLONIAL (iOWN- IX WEDDIXCi OUTFIT OF MARY HOIXIE OF HOPE 
LODGE, WHITEMARSH; (2) CRIMSO.V BROCADE OF 17o2; (3) GREEN 
GOWN- OVER SATIN HOOPED PETTICOAT; (4) BACK VIEW OF (3j 





.idllN I'l MiM i: I >i\. 



Ill m; 1 m; I \ K i u. 





.?.\\ii:s riM I'll! tdn. 



.loiiN i".\i:i;isii. 



FOUR OLD-TIME PENNSYLVANIA AVORTHIES 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

and where there is a tender and ardent passion on one 
side, and friendship and esteem on the other, the heart 
(unhke yours) must be callous to every tender senti- 
ment if the taper of love is not lighted up at the flame. 

"... Pardon me. Dear Madame, for disclosing 
a passion I could no longer confine in my tortured bosom. 
I have presumed to write to your Papa, and have re- 
quested his sanction to my addresses. Suffer me to 
hope for your approbation. , . . Whatever my fate 
may be, my most ardent wish is for your happiness, 
and my latest breath will be to implore the blessing of 
heaven on the idol and only wish of my soul. 

"Adieu, dear Madame, and believe me unalterably, 
your sincere admirer and devoted humble servant, 

"B. Arnold." 

One who has told the story of Peggy Shippen's life 
says that her father "was opposed to the match be- 
cause Arnold was over twice her age, a widower with 
three children, and notoriously extravagant; though 
when he saw that her heart was fixed and that her 
health had failed in consequence, he reluctantly gave 
his consent." 

But there w^ere also happy marriages in the Shippen 
family. On June 8, 1750, Edward Shippen, Jr., ad- 
dressed his father on the subject of his love for Peggy 
Francis : 

"Hon'd Sir: 

"My Mind has been much employed for about a 
Twelve-month past about an affair, which, tho' often 
mentioned to you by others, has never been revealed by 
myself, . . . Miss Peggy Francis has for a long time 
appeared to me the most amiable of her sex, and tho' 
I might have paid my Addresses, possibly with success, 
when it would have been non-agreeable to you, yet as 
Our Affections are not always in our Power to command, 

213 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

ever since my Acquaintance with this young Lady I 
have been utterly incapable of entertaining a thought 
of any other. ... If I had obtained a girl with a 
considerable Fortune, no doubt the world would have 
pronounced me happier, but, as in my own Notion, 
Happiness does not consist in being thought happy by 
the World, but in the internal Satisfaction and Con- 
tent of the Mind, I must beg leave to say I am a better 
Judge for myself of what will procure it than they: yet 
I am not so carried away by my Passion as to exclude 
the consideration of money matters altogether . . . 
With a little Assistance in setting out, my Business, 
with Frugality, cant fail to maintain me, and a bare 
support with one I love is to me a much preferable state 
to great affluence with a Person one regards with indif- 
ference. Be pleased. Sir, to let me know your senti- 
ments of this affair as soon as possible. For tho' I 
might not press a very speedy conclusion of it, yet I 
am anxious to know my Fate. I am Dear Sir 
"Your Very affectionate and 
dutiful Son 

"Edward Shippen Jun'." 

In connection with this letter it is of interest to 
read one written ten years later, by the same son to 
his father: 

"Hon'd Sir: 

" . , . My Peggy this morning made me a Present 
of a fine Baby, which tho' of the worst Sex, is yet en- 
tirely welcome; You see my Family encreases apace; 
I am however in no fear by the Blessing of God but I 
shall be able to do them all tolerable Justice. ..." 

Sometimes a prospective bride is in much anxiety 
as to the way in which the parents of the man she has 
promised to marry will receive her, but there was no 
possibility of doubt in the case of Mary Rhodes of 

214 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

Philadelphia when she was looking forward to be- 
coming the wife of Thomas Franklin, Jr., His parents 
forever set at rest any doubts that may have existed 
by their assurance of welcome: 

"Newyork, 12 m°, 20th, 1763. 
"Samuel Rhodes & Wife 

"Dear Friends as our Son Thomas has for Some 
time past acquainted us of his Love and Good Esteem 
for your Daughter Mary and we Conceiving a Good 
Opinion of her & Family was Well Pleased with his 
Choice but hearing it was a Strait with you to part 
with her to Come to this Place we Could but Sympathize 
with you in the affair . . . However he informs us 
you have left her to her Liberty and she has Turned 
the Scale for Comeing . . . and hope we shall 
allways have a Parental Care for her and Conclude 
you are Sensible there is that attracting Power of Love 
in all Parts that Can make one in the best part, if 
adhered to . . . 

"Tho we have thus far exprest our minds we know 
not what may happen between the Cup and the Lip 
. . . but shall contentedly Submit all to that Great 
Director of all Good — and subscribe with Love un- 
feigned to you all & to your Dear Daughter Mary 
in Particular — 

"Thomas Franklin 
"Mary Franklin." 

There were strict rules in the Philadelphia of long 
ago as to when a young man might speak and might 
not speak to a young woman about marriage, and 
woe to the swain who dared transgress. So George 
Robinson found to his sorrow. In 1732 it was neces- 
sary for him to go before the Meeting and confess his 
dereliction, which he did in words as follows : 

215 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"Wliereas I have made my mind known to Mary 
McKay upon ye account of Marriage before I had her 
parents' Consent Contrary to ye order of friends for 
which I am sorry.'* 

A Philadelphia Quakeress in 1796 brought herself 
into still more serious difficulty because she chose to 
disregard her parents. Molly Drinker and Samuel 
Rhoads made up their minds to marry. Molly's parents, 
Mr. and Mrs. Henry Drinker, were astonished on the 
evening of August 8 by the coming of a messenger 
who bore a letter addressed to Henry and Eliza Drinker. 
In her journal Mrs. Drinker related the sad story of 
their heart-break: 

"William handed it to me — I wondered from whom 
it came, directed to us both . , . but upon opening 
it and reading the address on ye top, 'My dear parents,' 
I cast my eyes down, and to my unspeakable aston- 
ishment saw it was signed, 'Mary Rhoads' . . . We 
had not the least suspicion of anything of the kind 
occurring. My husband was much displeased and 
angry, and when I wished to know where she was at 
present, he charged me not to stir in the affair by any 
means . . . 

"The next day William and I stai'd upstairs, both 
of us very unwell. Sister went over to R. Wain to 
enquire if she had heard where Molly was. She in- 
formed her that Pattison Hartshorn had been told in ye 
morning by Sally Large that they w^ould have trouble 
in the neighborhood to-day — that Molly Drinker was 
married last night to S. R. at the widow Pemberton's 
house in Chestnut St — the family were all, her son 
Joe excepted, out of town. Robt Wharton, being a 
Magistrate, had married them according to friendly 
order. That immediately after the ceremony, they, 
with several others ... set off for Newington; 

216 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

James Fisher's place, about two miles from the City 
. . . This was some little alleviation of the matter, 
as we did not know before where she was, or how she 
had been married, whether by a Priest, or what Priest. 
James Pemberton came here in the afternoon, and had 
a talk with my husband. He said that Sammy was a 
lad of a very good moral character, and those whom he 
had heard speak of the matter, made light of it. 'So 
do not I,' said H. D. . . . 

"J. Logan said he thought it a very suitable match; 
Sam being a worthy young fellow; and as they thought 
H. D. would never consent [because Samuel Rhoads 
*did not dress plain,' or as they expressed it, was a gay 
young man, while Henry Drinker was a staunch Quaker] 
was the reason they took the way they had, . . . 
Nancy Pemberton said that she and all her family, 
her son Joe excepted, were out and knew nothing of 
the matter, or she would not have suffered a runaway 
marriage to have taken place in her house." 

Thirteen days after the elopement the young people 
sent a letter to the parents "expressive of their un- 
easiness at the pain they had caused," and saying that 
they hoped to be taken into favor. On October 9, 
nine weeks after the marriage, Mary came to see her 
mother. "I was pleased to see her," the mother wrote, 
"and heartily wish an amicable meeting would take 
place between her and her father." On October 15, 
Mrs. Drinker went to S. R.'s, "without leave." — "I feel 
best pleased that I went," she wrote. On November 1 
Mary called at her old home after meeting, and stayed 
until her father came — "the first time they have seen 
each other since her marriage," the anxious mother 
confided to her diary. "He talked to her plainly, and 
at the same time kindly. She wiped her eyes and made 

217 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

a speech which I did not attend to, having feehngs of 
my own at y® time. He promised to call and see her 
mother Rhoads, whom he said, he valued. I hope 
matters are getting in a fair train, which I think will 
be a great favor." 

Then came the record of February 21, 1797: 

"Molly ... is going to attend our Monthly 
meeting with a paper of condemnation for her outgoing 
in marriage. The receiving of her paper was delayed, 
and another appointment made, M. Hart, S. Scatter- 
good and Molly Smith are to visit her. Sammy's case 
also put off, and another visit appointed." 

The conference with the repentant Molly took place 
on March 24, nearly five weeks later: 

"Her outgoing in marriage ought to have been the 
subject in question, but M. H. took upon himself to 
talk of things wide of the mark, and I believe they 
intend to lengthen out the business as long as they can. 
If innocent young women are so treated, I fear it will 
drive them further from the Society, instead of bringing 
them nearer." 

On April 12, the mother talked with one of the men 
who had been appointed to deal with Sammy Rhoads. 
"He is, or appears to be, an innocent, well minded 
man," was her opinion. "If they were all so, men and 
women, the affair would not be so long in hand. He 
said there was a good deal of outdoors talk, which he 
disapproved of." 

The case was still undecided on April 20, for on 
that day Molly told her mother that she expected a 
visit next day from those whom the mother called 
"the curious impertinents." 

On May 23 came the joyful news that the daughter's 
218 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

paper "was received without one dissenting voice." 
From this day husband and wife were restored to favor. 
And all this trouble might have been avoided if 
Samuel Rhoads and Mary Drinker had been as open 
in their plans as was the writer of a wedding invitation 
that was dated October 19, 1746: 

" My sweetheart as well as myself desire (if it may suit 
thy convenience and freedom), that thou wilt favor us 
with thy company at our marriage, which is intended 
to be at Burlington the 4th of next month. 

"I am thy respectful friend, 

"Aaron Ashbridge." 

One of the many drawbacks to an elopement — 
at least in the bride's eyes — was the inability to prepare 
a trousseau like that of Molly Burd, who married Peter 
Grubb. She spent £31, 5s. 8d, and the items were as 
follows : 

14 Yards Mantua Silk £8 8 

1 Ps. Irish Linnen 25 yds at 5/9 7 39 

1 silk Cloak 3 6 6 

3 yds. Cambrick at 16 2 8 

A necklace 9 

For a laced Cap, Ruffles, Tippet & tucker. . 9 10 5 

A much more elaborate outfit was purchased for a 
bride of 1768. It is not possible to name all the items. 
The following are selected : 

"1 Bedstead with curtain, £15; 8 Chamber and 1 
Arm Chair, £13.10; 1 Chest of Drawers, £10; 1 Sconce 
Glass, £4; 1 Damask Table Cloth and 12 Napkins, 
£4.15; 1 Silver Cup, £4.4.4; 1 pair Silver Castors, 
£4.15.7; 1 Silver Cream Jug, £2.19.6; Silver Tea Tags 
and Strainer, £ lis. 4d; 1 Black Gown, £5; Damask do, 
£5; 1 Taffity do, £3; 1 Silverett do, £2; 1 Persian do, 

219 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

£2; 1 Poplin do, £2; 1 Velvet Cloak, £2; 1 Broad- 
cloth Cloak, £4; 1 Black Petticoat, £2; 1 Serge do, 
£l; 1 Persian do, £l; 1 Poplin do, £1.5; 1 Blue do, £l; 
1 Dimity do, 7s. 6d; 1 Camblet Cloak, 10s; 4 Cambric 
and Linen Handkerchiefs, £1; 1 pair Stockings, 3s. 4d." 

As became a staid Quaker preacher, Thomas 
Chalkley did everything decently and in order, when 
he was married, but he did not v/ant any frills or fur- 
belows. In 1714, he wrote: 

"About this time I had an inclination to alter my 
condition of being a widower, for a married state, and 
the most suitable person that I (with some of my good 
friends) could think upon was Martha, the widow of 
Joseph Brown; and on the 15th of the second month, 
1714, we were joined together in marriage, . . . We 
had a large meeting at our marriage, the solemnization 
thereof being attended with the grace and the goodness 
of God . . . We made but little provision for our 
guests, for great entertainments at marriages and 
funerals began to be a growing thing among us, which 
was attended with divers inconveniences." 

Ann Warder was a v/orthy follower of Thomas 
Chalkley, for she was quite severe in the remarks 
she made on dress In connection with the marriage of 
two of her friends. The first reference was made in her 
dIaryonNov. 27, 1786: 

"A sweet looking young woman called to see the 
girls, who in a few days is to be married out of the 
Society to the great Dr Hutchinson, many years older 
than herself, and a widower with one son. Evident 
it is here that girls feel the scarcity of men or they 
would not sacrifice themselves. . . ." . 

Five days later she wrote that three of her family, 
Jerry, Lydia and Sally were invited to dine with Dr. 
220 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

Hutchinson and wife, "which as they had been married 
by a priest would be hardly orthodox with us, but here 
much too many make no distinction, paying them 
just the same respect — calling the first three mornings 
to drink punch with the groom and the next week 
drinking tea with the bride. I think the evil conse- 
quences of mixed marriages are reduced in the view of 
some young minds who perhaps become entangled in 
this improper way at some of these places. They had 
a large company and stylish entertainment. In the 
evening sister M — came in when we had a long con- 
versation on this subject, to which dress was intro- 
duced .... I told her if my husband's circum- 
stances would not afford me a good long gown, I had 
rather wear a worsted one always, than like her sit at 
home not fit to be seen by man sometimes .... 
There was much state on the occasion of Edward 
Burd's marriage to Elizabeth Shippen. The groom 
told of the wedding in a letter to Jasper Yeates, dated 
at Philadelphia on December 22, 1778: 

"On Thursday Evening last, I formed the most 
pleasing connexion with my most amiable Girl. We 
had none that lived out of the Family except Aunt 
Willing, Mr. Tilghman, & the Bride's Man & Maids 
present at the Ceremony. My dear Betsy went thro* 
it with tolerable Courage considering the very impor- 
tant Change it will make in her life: — W^e saw Com- 
pany for three days & one Friday Evening had a little 
Hop for our unmarried Acquaintances . . . Betsy 
joins me in her kind Love to yourself, INIrs. Yeates & 
Family. I have a prospect of getting Mrs. Francis's 
House with the use of her Furniture. ... I have got 
some Linnen at my father's both fine and coarse. It 

221 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

will be proper I should use my own Sheeting & Table 
Linnen; I wish that I could get that & my Table Linnen 
sent down as soon as is convenient." 

Eight days after the groom wrote the letter that 
told of his happiness, the wife of the recipient sent a 
message to the bride: 

"Permit me, my dear Betsy to congratulate you on 
your Change of Condition. Our new Connection gives 
me the highest Joy & Satisfaction . . . 

"We flatter ourselves we shall have the Pleasure of 
your Company here, whenever the weather will permit 
your travelling. . . . 

"You will greatly oblige me by presenting my 
Duty to your Papa & Mama & Love to your Sisters & 
Brothers. That you & Neddy may experience every 
Felicity the married State is capable of, are the ardent 
wishes of, Dear Betsy, 

"Your most affectionate 
"Sister." 

And in the following January Elizabeth Tilghman, 
the bride's cousin, sent her congratulatory epistle, 
in which she makes mention of Margaret Shippen and 
Benedict Arnold: 

"Well my dear young Matron how is it with your 
highness now, have you got over all your little pal- 
pitations, and settled yourself as a sober discreet wife. 
. . . and is it really possible that you are married, 
and have received the golden Pledge before the Cassock 
and Twenty Five . . . give my best love to Coun- 
sellor Burd, you have some slight knowledge of the 
youth I presume, but at your peril don't let him peep 
at this elegant scrawl of mine tell the girls they have 
my best wishes . . . oh! all ye powers of love I had 
like to have forgot the gentle Arnold, where is he . . . 
and when is he like to convert our little Peggy. They 
222 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

say she intends to surrender soon. I thought the 
fort would not hold out long well after all there is noth- 
ing like perseverance, and a regular attack. Adieu, 
my dear, supper waits, let me hear from you soon." 

January 9, 1787, witnessed the marriage of Elliston 
Perot and Sarah Sansom, at the Bank Meeting House. 
On the day of the wedding, Ann Warder wrote in her 
diary a sprightly account of the event : 

*'0n entering found most of the wedding company 
present, among whom I sat. Cousin Betsy Roberts 
first said a few words, then honest Robert Willis, soon 
after which Betsy appeared in supplication and William 
Savery followed with a long and fine testimony. The 
bride and groom performed, the latter exceedingly well, 
and the former very bad. Meeting closed early when 
the couple signed the certificate, the woman taking 
upon her the husband's name. We then proceeded to 
Elliston's house but a short distance from the Meeting, 
where about fifty-eight friends were assembled. We 
were ushered upstairs where cake and wine were served, 
and Joey Sansom in helping with two decanters of 
Bitters, and glasses on a waiter, spilt the wine over his 
visitor's wedding garments, much to her embarrass- 
ment. The next disaster was that some of the fresh 
paint ruined a number of gowns. 

"At two o'clock we were summoned to dinner and 
all were seated at a horse-shoe shaped table except 
Cousin John Head, Jacob Downing and Billy Sansom, 
who were groomsmen and waited on us. The brides- 
maids were Sally Drinker, her Cousin Polly Drinker, 
and a young woman named Sykes Jacob Downing has 
long courted Sally Drinker and it is now likely to be a 
match in the spring report says. — She is a cheerful, 
clever girl and he an agreeable young man. 

"We had an abundant entertainment — almost 
everything that the season produced. After dinner 

223 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

we adjourned upstairs, and chatted away the afternoon, 
the young folks innocently cheerful and the old not 
less so. 

"Tea was made in another room and sent to us. At 
nine o'clock we were called to supper, after which the 
guests prepared to return to their homes." 

That sounds like a long time for the bride to be on 
exhibition. But that day was only the beginning. 
A whole week passed before the festivities connected 
with the wedding were at an end. 

The papers of June 18, 1823, told of a marriage 
that is of special interest because of the description 
of the dress of the bride, Elizabeth M. Morris, and of 
the wedding supper : 

"The bride was dressed in white satin covered with 
tulle, and had what I believe you call a skeleton bonnet 
. . . two sermons from O. Alsop and a woman named 
Leeds, both in a gloomy and foreboding style. The 
thermometer being at 93! and the house hemmed in 
on all sides . . . the bride spoke so very low at meet- 
ing that no one I have inquired of heard a syllable. 
Having had the honor of an invitation, found a company 
of about sixty-four, chiefly employed in seeldng the 
coolest situations. The supper tables at a little after 
nine was elegantly furnished — tea and coffee, cakes, 
blanc-mange, calves-foot jellies, oranges, pineapples, 
raisins and sugared almonds, strawberries and cream, 
strawberry and lemon ice creams and large pound cakes. 

The Colonial records of courtship and marriage 
are rich in humor. Sarah Eve was humorous, though 
she did not realize it, when she, who was at the time 
engaged to Dr. Benjamin Rush, wrote on March 30, 
1773: 

"In the morning I went to Mr. Rush's where I 
224 



COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE 

spent the day and niglit. In the evening I had the 
pleasure of seeing Capt. Bethell for the first time. 
About ten o'clock I went to bed and left Miss Bets up. 
Query, which was the happier, that lady sitting up 
with her — , or myself lying in a fine soft bed, reading 
the 'Adventures of the renowned Don Quixote,' and in 
a most excellent humor to enjoy it.'^"^ 

A humorist of 1729, Hugh Roberts, wrote to his 
"Respected Fr'd T. Fenton:" 

"... My sister Jenny entered likely into the 
matrimonial Band w*'' William Fishbourn who I be- 
lieve will make her a loving Husband . . . Sister 
Susan is much dejected by the parting with a sister, 
altho, but at a small Distance so that I am apt to 
believe nothing short of a Nupteal tye will support her 
Drooping spirits at this melancholly Juncture" . . . 

Humor came from one of the Revolutionary camps 
in a letter sent by a captain to his wife. In a post- 
script he gave a message for his sisters that must have 
made them smile and blush : 

"To Miss Aby Miss Rachel & Miss Jenny my kind 
sisters I hoped you will take special care not to get 
married to any cowardly fellow till I return with some 
of my Brave fellows which will be before you spoil with 
old age there are some of them who would wish to see 
you very much I flatter them to behave like men and 
you will be the redier to receive them." 

Fortunately the Act of Parliament of 1770, con- 
cerning marriage, which applied to Pennsylvania as 



^ Robert Bethell later married Betsy Rush, but Sarah Eve died on 
December 4, 1774, two weeks before the day appointed for her marriage 
to Dr. Rush. 

15 225 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

well as the other colonies, could not be enforced at 
this time, for it proposed dire penalties on those who 
dared set their caps for men, as the captain urged his 
sisters to do. This awful Act declared: 

"All women, of whatever age, rank, profession! 
degree, whether virgins, maids or widows, that shal, 
from and after such Act impose upon, seduce or betray 
into Matrimony, any of his Majesty's Male subjects 
by the secrets, cosmetics, washs, artificial teeth, false 
hair, Spanish wool, iron-stays, hoops, high-heeled shoes, 
etc. shall incur the penalty of the law now in force 
against witchcraft, and like misdemeanours, and that 
the marriage upon conviction shall be null and void." 



XI 

PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

Two PoTjNDS FOR Carrting One Letter — Why Peggy Shippen Sighed 
— How Peter Mtjhlexberg Played Prodigal — The Clever 
Ladies of Philadelphia — A Dun for a Deer — Proving a Fish 
Story — Congress a "Most Respectable Body" — Why Franklin 
WAS Sarcastic 

IN these days of efficient mail service and cheap 
postage it is difficult to realize that these bless- 
ings are comparatively modern. The early resi- 
dents of Philadelphia were forced to be content with 
infrequent, uncertain, expensive transportation of 
letters. It is matter of remark, then, that they made 
such good use of their limited opportunities. They 
paid gladly the cost of sending a message to England 
or to other colonies. Of course the writing of a 
letter was far more of a ceremony than it is to-day. 
Frequently the spare time of days was given to the 
composition of one letter, and usually the recipient had 
something worthy of examination. 

As late as 1755 the rate for a letter to England was, 
for a single sheet, one shilling; for two sheets, two 
shillings; for three sheets, three shilHngs, and for an 
ounce, four shillings. In addition local postage had to 
be paid to the port city. Mails were sent once each 
month. 

A hint of the great expense of the local traiisport 
of letters for even a comparatively short distance is 
afforded by a message sent by Thomas James to James 

227 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Steele, from Philadelphia, in November, 1735. He 
asked for seven pounds for "my Trouble of coming 
up from the Capes"; then he added, *'and for my Going 
down to New Castle I am sure is not worth less than 
three Pounds." This opinion as to the proper charge 
he based on the fact that he "had from a Certain 
Merch* in this town Seven Pounds for Coming up from 
the Capes with only a Bare Packet of letters — and 
from Geo. Claypoole Five Pounds for Carrying one 
Single letter down to y® Capes." 

In spite of the plea for the ten pounds, but seven 
pounds were paid for the service. Perhaps this was 
because funds were scarce in the pockets of the man 
for whom the service in question was rendered. 

Financial stringency was a common complaint 
among the settlers on the Delaware. Even the leader 
of the community, William Penn himself, was com- 
pelled more than once to postpone the payment of just 
debts. A letter written by him in August, 1683, was 
occasioned by a difficulty of this sort. This letter, as 
it has come down to us, is addressed simply; "Kind 
ffriend." 

It read: 

"I was not willing to lett the Bearer W"" Lloyd goe 
without a Letter directed to my Friend West for though 
I am a Man of Noe Cerimony, I valine my Self a little 
upon sence and Gratitude. I had a very Civill Letter 
from y" which Adds to my Obligations, but having to 
doe w*'^ a man neither Cruell nor Indigent, I hope he 
will trust tell I am able to pay; and to doe this Noe 
Occation shall Slipp me and Indeed I had not bin soe 
Long Silent, If my own Expectations of Seeing York 
had not by your Govern*^ delay bin frustrated Pray 
228 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

lett me have y° Continuance of thy friendship, & give 
me Reason to believe in by favouring my Commission- 
ers w*'' y® Mawhawks and Simicar Indians about some 
backe Lands on y*' Susquehannash River there may be 
many y* better tell there tayle, but None more Sin- 
cerely & affectionately esteems ^y® y*^ thy Verry True 
Friend 

W. P." 

The next plunge into the Colonial post-bag brings 
to light a letter written in 1742 to a junior member 
of the Penn family connection, "Master Freame," 
who was a grandson of William Penn. Richard Hockley 
was the writer, and he clothed some good wholesome 
advice with a good deal of humility : 

"I hope you will bear with me if I take it upon me 
to give you a httle advice in the best manner I am capa- 
ble, & that is as you are at y® same school w**^ your 
Cozen Jackey Penn & will I hope have the same Edu- 
cation you will on your part endeavour to live in Strict 
Unity & Friendship w*^*^ him & desire a Spirit of Em- 
ulation may arise in your Breast to equal him in aU 
his study's & Exercises. I have a very good regard to 
you Both as decendants of a Worthy Honourable Family 
to whom I am under the greatest Obligations & hope 
you will Both Endeavour to imitate their Worthy 
Examples, but you must claim a greater Share of my 
Affections as I have pass'd away a many pleasing 
Hours in your Innocent Company; & I cant bear to 
think that you Shou'd be Eclipsed in any one Virtue or 
Qualification that becomes a Gentleman & a De- 
scendant of the Family to which you belong." 

One of the Philadelphia homes to which descendants 
of the "Worthy Honourable Family" delighted to go 
was Stenton, where James Logan welcomed all comers, 
whether rich or poor, high or low, civilized or savage. 

229 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

In the home were his two grown daughters, Hannah and 
Sarah. The lover of Hannah and a friend of Sarah 
was John Smith, who evidently was appreciative of 
everything his friends did for him. In 1747 he wrote 
to Sarah to thank her for a kindness she had done him. 
We are not told what that kindness was, but there are 
so many glimpses of the writer's nature in his letter 
that it is worth while to read what he wrote: 

"My Dear Friend 

"I am not very well to-day otherwise should have 
waited upon thee, which I hope will apologize for my 
writing. I have lately heard of an Instance of thy 
Friendship for me, which hath made a very deep Im- 
pression on my mind. The kind and good natured 
manner with which thou was pleased to speak of me 
to an Antient Friend of ours in the Country [her father], 
as it was at a time when such a Character did me the 
most Service that it ever could. So it gives me an op- 
portunity to know that true friendship may subsist 
without much outward show of it, and will manifest 
itself ready & willing to do service, when Occasion 
offers. Even when there is no probability of its coming 
to the Knowledge of the person so obliged. I thought I 
had my friends at Stenton,but cannot find that any ever 
gave such Testimonies of their Regard, as the Instance 
I am now speaking of. I wish I may have it in my 
power to shew thee by Actions as well as words, how 
much I esteem myself in thy debt. 

"I am dear Sally Thy Loving & obliged Friend." 

By no means all the letters the postman carried 
were of the stately nature affected by John Smith. 
Some of them were full of the gossip of the town. In 
fact, invaluable aid is given to those who study the 
everyday life of the people in Colonial days by many 

230 




WILLIAM HAMILTON OF THE WOODLANDS AND HKS NIECE, 

MRS. ANNA HAMILTON LYLE 

(Painted by Benjamin West; original in the possession of the Historical 

Society of Pennsylvania) 




MRS. BENEDICT ARNOLD AND HER DAUGHTER 

(Fron^ the painting by kSir Thomas Ijawrenee) 




GENERAL C'ADWALADER, WIFE AND CHILD 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

letters like that sent in 1748 by John Ross to Dr, 
Cadwalader Evans. The bits of news he wrote would 
have satisfied anyone who was hungering for a word 
as to how old neighbors were getting along. After 
mentioning the fact that one common ajcquaintance 
was to be married to "the young widow that lived at 
Harriet Clay," and that "Old Doctor Kearsley is to 
be married this week to Mrs. Bland Mrs. Usher's niece 
that lives near the Burying ground," he went on to say: 
"Doctor Bond is gone to spend the winter at Bar- 
badoes in a low state of health; it is thought he will 
continue there if the climate agrees with him— Last 
week Judah Foulke had a son born — no small joy — 
About 20 of us baptized it last Monday at John Biddle's 
in hot arrack punch — and his name is called Cad- 
walader — John Smith has passed our meeting with 
Miss Hannah Logan — I would give you more, now 
my hand is in, if I could recollect . . . '* 

Nowadays the complaint is made that a man cannot 
read any real news in a letter. Evidently the race has 
deteriorated in this respect since the days of John Ross. 
At any rate he makes a better success as a disseminator 
of gossip than Peggy Shippen Arnold who wrote, 
just after the British evacuated Philadelphia: 

" Joesy must have looked perfectly cha'ming in the 
Character of Father. I wish he'd pay us a Vis as I 
make no doubt he's much improv'd by being so long in 
Maryland. M' White tells me his present flame is a 
Miss Peggy Spear of Baltimore you may remember 
her she lived at Mrs. Smith's a pretty little girl enough. 
What think you of the Weather, wont it be a bar to our 
hopes? I much fear it will Hi Ho I cant hip sighing 
when I think of it. Oh ! the Ball, not a lady there the 
Committee of real Whigs met in the afternoon & 

231 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

frightened the Beaux so much that they went around 
to all the ladies that meant to go to desire they'd stay 
at home, tho' it seems the Committee had no thoughts 
of molesting being all of their own Kidney. I'm de- 
lighted that it came to nothing as they had the impudence 
to laugh at US." 

Not all the writers of the old-time letters were light- 
hearted. There were times when the carefully written 
message was put together by one whose heart was 
breaking. The story of one such heartbreak began 
with a letter written by Dr. Henry Melchior Muhlen- 
berg to his friend the court chaplain Ziegenhagen in 
London. To him he said: 

"Your Reverence will kindly permit me . >. . to 
make a humble inquiry and request of you. My 
oldest son, Peter, is entering his sixteenth year. I 
have had him taught to read and write German and 
English, and, after the necessary instruction, he had 
been confirmed in our Evangelical Church; morever, 
since I have been in Philadelphia, I have sent him to 
the Academy to learn the rudimenta linguae latinae. 
But now I write in great anxiety on account of the 
corruption among the impudent and emancipated 
youth of this city, and I am not able to provide for 
his welfare any longer. It would be a great scandal 
and offense in my position, and to [the ruin of his 
own soul, if he should fall into wild ways. Is there 
not an opportunity ... for him to learn surgery, 
or even an honest trade.'* Or will the blessed Insti- 
tution in Glaucha by the power of God, reach so 
far as to provide for him? Next spring I shall have a 
good opportunity to send him hence to London." 

So to London Peter was sent in 1763, and with him 
were the two brothers nearest to him in age, Friedrich 
and Heinrich. Peter soon after entered the prepara- 
232 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

tory school of the University of Halle. Here all went 
well for a time, but about a year later a tutor reproved 
him in a way that the high-spirited Peter thought was 
insulting. So the boy boxed the tutor's ears. Fearing 
the inevitable punishment he fled and enlisted in a 
passing regiment. 

When the news of the disaster came to Philadelphia, 
the tortured father wrote a pitiful letter to G. A. 
Francke at Halle: , 

"Dearest Benefactor: 

" . . .1 see . . , with sorrow that my eldest 
boy has allowed himself to be overcome by the world, 
the flesh, and the devil, and gone headlong to destruc- 
tion, and that the youngest son is not far behind. . . . 
It mortifies and bows me to the ground with shame to 
find that your Reverence and other children of God 
have been caused so much care, anxiety, and vexation 
by the sending abroad of my perverse offspring, all of 
which I am in no condition to make amends for . . . 
Lest the cause of God should suffer harm or injury 
through me and mine, I am obliged to sever my con- 
nection with the church, and to leave it, after God, to 
be cared for in the future by those revered ones in 
authority . . . and betake myself to a place where 
I can brmg up my children rightly, and devote the 
rest of my strength to the most abandoned of mankind. 

" . . . According to the English law, the parents 
have this advantage, that a son cannot engage in 
anything before his majority without his father's con- 
sent. If, before this time, a boy enlists or contracts 
marriage without his father's consent, such action is 
void, and the father can either put him in the House 
of Correction, or sell him until his Majority. . . .If 
my boy had played me this trick here ... I would 
have sold him as a servant until his majority." 

233 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

A friend of the Muhlenberg family, a British Colo- 
nel, discovered Peter in a garrison in Hanover. After 
securing his release, he sent him to America, where 
he arrived in 1766. It is recorded that, in spite of his 
harsh letter. Dr. Muhlenberg received the prodigal 
with open arms. Peter thereupon asked to go into 
the army, but he was persuaded instead to receive 
training at home for the Church. So careful and wise 
was his father's training that the son was ready for 
ordination in 1768. 

In 1772 Dr. Muhlenberg had further evidence of 
the wisdom of his course in devoting himself so as- 
siduously to the welfare of his sons, for on February 
23 of that year he was able to write: 

"My son Friedrich, a stricter Lutheran than Peter, 
lets me have a distant hope, that if God, in His great 
mercy and grace, preserves him, strengthens him by 
His spirit, and promotes his growth, he may become in 
the future a fellow worker in the Philadelphia Church. 
He has by nature an honest heart, some experience of 
God's grace, a tolerably clear head, a sound stomach 
and moderate bodily organs. He can endure hard- 
ship and is more accustomed to the American climate 
than a born European; he has a fine, clear, penetrating 
voice for Zion, and family connections by means of 
which he can by Divine grace be settled. He has 
already made one or two trials in his poor little con- 
gregations, which pleased me well, and has been over 
hasty once or twice, with good intentions, however, 
and I willingly overlooked it and endeavoured to show 
him the right way, for young soldiers sometimes want 
to discharge their guns before they are loaded, from a 
courageous anxiety to kill the enemy before they can 
hit him." 
234 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

William Penn would have been delighted with these 
letters of a father eager for his children's welfare, for 
the great founder was himself a loving father, as speci- 
m.ens of his letters to his children show. One of his 
fatherly letters was written to 

"My dear Springet 

"Be good, learn to fear god, avoide evil, love thy 
books, be Kind to thy Brother & Sister & god will 
bless thee & I will exceedingly love thee, farewell 
Dear Child. My love to all y^ Famely & to Friends. 
Thy Dear Father." 

Again he wrote to his daughter: 

"Dear Letitia 

"I dearly love y^, & would have thee sober, learn 
thy book & love thy Brothers. I will Send thee a 
pretty Book to learn in. Y^ Lord bless thee & make a 
good woman of thee, fare well. 

"Thy Dear Father." 

A third letter in the series : 

"Dear Bille 

"I love thee much, therefore be Sober & quiet, and 
learn his book, I will send him one. so y*" lord bless y^ 
Amen. 

"Thy Dr. Fa-" 

One hundred years later there lived in Philadelphia 
a father who knew how to win the confidence of his 
daughter. This man was General "Mad Anthony" 
Wayne. In 1786 he wrote to his daughter Margarita 
a letter that must have brought great joy to her loyal 
heart: 

"Pardon me my dear Girl for so long a Silence 
Occasioned by a variety of disagreeable circumstances 
all of which I supported with steady fortitude — except 

235 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

the death of my long tried nearest & dearest friend & 
Neighbour Major General Greene. 

" . . . Pray write without reserve make me your 
friend & confident & be assured that nothing in the 
power of a fond Parent will be wanting to constitute 
the true happiness of a Daughter who I am confident 
will prove herself worthy of it. 

"... Believe me my Dear Girl yours most 
sincerely 

"Anty Wayne.'* 

And the father in his turn had the joy of receiving 
from his daughter a warm and tender letter: 

"My Dear and Honoured Papa 

" . . .1 thank my Dear Papa for the good advice 
he gives me in every letter respecting my conduct in 
this life; I shall in every respect behave myself in such a 
manner as to gain the good opinion of all my friends 
and acquaintances; and hope at a later day to resign 
myself without fear. I hope my Dear Papa will not be 
displeas'd with me in being so long absent from Mrs. 
Kearney's. It was with friends advice. You write 
me Papa to speak my sentiments therefore shall in- 

f orme you that every persone thinks M""^. K board 

is very expensive, and I thought I wou'd have Papa's 
opinion it is a Guinea a week. 

" . . .1 have seen my Brother, he is very hearty 
& comes on fast in his learning he is at present studying 
Greek. I think your letter Papa will encourage him 
to learn, as he often wish'd he cou'd receive a letter 
from you. 

"Before a conclusion I must once again show Papa 
how greatly I am in gratitude & in duty bound to 
thank him for his kind protection and how void of 
understanding shou'd I be if I was not to follow his 
advice and example and try to make myself worthy of 
his paternal Friendship ... It makes me look back 

236 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

with sorrow, when I think what a great loss a Father is, 
for example Aunt Sally's family what a loss as these 
poor orphans met with, to loose a Father just when 
they had come to know the good of one. Papa we 
Can't prize health too much, it is a very valuable 
Blessing, & I hope you have a reasonable share of it . . 
"With every mark of respect I am my dear Papa's 
Dutiful & affectionate Daughter." 

It is fitting that these letters exchanged between 
father and daughter should be followed by a message sent 
in 1813 by General Andrew Porter of Harrisburg to his 
son James, who was attending school in Philadelphia: 

" Dear James 

"... Let your purchases of books be of those of 
the law, and your studies confined to that profession, 
until your acquirements become conspicuous. Your 
services will then be sought after, and your talents 
appreciated If you pay attention to various things 
and your pursuits are diversified, you will never rise to 
the head of your profession, and to be a pettifogger 
would be more disgraceful than to be a poor day laborer. 
You have talents and acquirements that promise fair 
to raise you to eminence, and no doubt will, if you con- 
fine them to the profession of the Law. A good char- 
acter, amiable disposition, and superior acquirements, 
with your talents, will no doubt raise you to the height 
of your ambition. . . . 

"I am now grown old. A very few years more, 
and the anxiety and advice of your father will cease 
forever. Be not too credulous, and trust not the 
plausable profession of men too far, lest you purchase 
experience too dearly. Thmk for yourself and mark 
out your line of conduct with wisdom and prudence." 

The fortunate son of such a father profited by the 
advice so earnestly given, for he lived to become one 

237 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

of the state's ablest lawyers. He was later a member 
of President Tyler's cabinet, where, it was said, Webster 
alone was superior to him. 

Wisdom of a different sort is to be seen in another 
family letter, that sent in 1781 by Miss Rebecca Franks 
to her sister Abigail, Mrs. Andrew Hamilton. At the 
time of writing she was in Flatbush, Long Island, 
from where she made frequent visits to New York. 
She was a loyal Philadelphian, however, and New 
York's charm could not wean her from her love for the 
city on the Delaware. She said : 

" . . .1 will do our ladies, that is Philadelphians, 
the justice to say they have more cleverness in the turn 
of an eye than the N. Y. girls have in their whole com- 
position. With what ease, have I seen a Chew, a 
Penn, Oswald, Allen and a thousand others, entertain a 
large circle of both sexes, and the conversation without 
the aid of cards not flag or seem the least bit strain' d or 
stupid. Here, or more properly speaking in N. Y. you 
enter the room with a formal set curtsey and after the 
how do's, 'tis a fine, or a bad day, and those trifling 
nothings are finished all's a dead calm till the cards are 
introduced, when you see pleasure dancing in the eyes of 
all the matrons and they seem to gain new life. The 
misses, if they have a favourite swain, frequently decline 
playing for the pleasure of making love — for to all 
appearances 'tis the ladies and not the gentlemen that 
show a preference nowadays. 'Tis here, I fancy, 
always leap year. For my part that am used to quite 
another mode of behaviour, I cannot help shewing my 
surprise, perhaps they call it ignorance, when I see a 
lady single out her pet to lean almost in his arms at an 
Assembly or play-house, (which I give my honour I 
have too often seen both in married and in single), 

238 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

and to hear a lady confess a partiality for a man who 
perhaps she has not seen three times . . . 

" . . .1 shall send a pattern of the newest bonnet, 
there is no crown, but guaze raised on wire, and quite 
pinched to a sugar loaf at top, — the lighter the trim- 
ming the more fashionable ..." 

Probably the sprightly Miss Franks had commis- 
sions to execute for her Philadelphia friends. It would 
be difficult to find a post-bag that does not contain 
requests to buy something or a message from one who 
has tried more or less conscientiously to satisfy the 
friend who has made the request. 

Away back in 1702, Robert Carter, of Philadelphia, 
sent to Jonathan Dickinson a letter of the latter sort: 

"I received thine wherein thee requested to buy a 
Deer of me by Tom pryor and he not having opper- 
tunity to send desired me to convey it to Robert Barber, 
I considering it might be hazardous of the loss of him 
in a straing place am willing to acquaint thee that it 
will be best to convey it at once to Towne or into the 
vessel, as to the price if through divine providence 
thou arrive at thy desiered port thou mayest make me 
some small returne according to thy pleasure, so with 
dear love to thee & thy wife 

"I am thy very Loveing Friend." 

To the same Jonathan Dickinson Rachel Preston, 
sent from Philadelphia, in 1707, a supply of goods of 
which she wrote: 

"Sum accident haping which brought pattrick 
back after he left this plaace with Intentions to proced 
his viage which has given me an oppertunity to put 
on borde a small box derected to be left with your 
brother Gomersell wherein is four botells of Syrup of 
Cloves three of Rose watter three Rose Cakes two 

239 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

dear skins which I got thomais griffith to chuse as y" 
best to be had in ye town. . . . I . . . am not out 
of hopes of having a Ktell more to send with y® huney 
as soon as any new comes in, which with Indeared 
love conclude this . . . shall subscribe your affec- 
tional friend tho much disordered at present." 

From Burlington, New Jersey, in 1781, John Cox 
had a delicate mission to perform, in a letter to Hannah 
Pemberton of Philadelphia. He began, very diplo- 
matically, as far as possible from the main purpose of 
the letter: 

"Dear Cousin 

*'It was a fortunate Circumstance that thy sweet 
little form was not deposited in our Sleigh, for we 
never reach'd the habitation of Fidelia till Nine O'clock, 
very cold & wet. I have not time now to expatiate on 
the manifold wretchedness of our calamitous situation 
in crossing Ankokas Creek, and other et ceteras, that 
shall be the subject of a future letter. In this, I take 
the liberty of tresspasing on thy time to request on 
behalf of a lady — a genteel Stranger in this Town — 
that thee will be good enough to speak for a pair of 
the very best and most fashionable Stays, and get them 
finish' d as soon as may be. I have been often press' d 
to take this Commission, and as often evaded it, lest I 
should not execute it to satisfaction — but she insists on 
my taking it under my Care, & I promised to write to 
some lady of my acquaintance in the City, on the 
subject. I should have made some enquiry when in 
Town, but it escaped my Memory. If thee can rec- 
ollect the size of Kitty Lawrence, it will be a guide to 
thee in the form &c. perhaps thy own size will be as 
good a model." . . . 

It was a different sort of commission that Judge 
Richard Peters sent to Jonathan Jones from Belmont 

240 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

in 1814, but it was in its way quite as delicate; only a 
brave man will attempt to get the truth of a fish story. 
Yet such a request the genial judge made: 

"At our last meeting you were so good as to promise 
you would see Mr. Hayes & procure his Account of the 
Shad caught in Schuylkill after having been marked in a 
preceding Season. The fact is singular — , & I had it 
well ascertained to me, that similar Facts had before 
happened. I wish to be fortified in my Communication 
of it to the Philadelphia Society, by Testimony so rep- 
utable as that of Mr. Hayes, who perhaps is reluctant 
at writing; tho' I only want a plain narrative. I 
must beg of you to take an early opportunity of calling 
on him and in a letter communicate to me the Facts. 
I think 35 were marked & 25 caught — so I understood 
him to say. 

"Relate all circumstances — how marked — where 
and at what time caught. 

"Mr. Hughes was to inform me about the 3 Bushels 
of Chimney Swallows, which were smothered ... at 
a Mr. J. William's near the Gulph. Can you get the 
Facts on the Subject.? But one at a time you will 
think enough." 

For many years there were more important things 
than fish stories to investigate or commissions to fill 
at the city markets. During the generation from 1755 
to the close of the Revolution the subject of letters was 
apt to be the troubled state of the times. Thus Sally 
Armitt wrote in 1755 to Susanna Wright, pleading 
with her to seek safety by coming from the country 
to the hospitable Armitt home in Philadelphia : 

"It is impossible to express the uneasiness that I 
am under on the account of your Family, I wish you 
would come to town, as it must be more dangerous on 
the river, dear Susy v/e have Several Spare rooms 

241 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

which you shall be very welcome to and we shall take It 
as a favour. I know thee would not chuse to be in a 
Family were thee could not make free, dear Susy, 
the shall be as if at home in our House, but if you 
chuse not to be with Your Friends, and would take a 
house, we have a great deal of new furniture that was 
made before my daddy dye'd, which you shall be ex- 
ceeding welcome to while you are in town." 

In 1766 Lambert Cadwalader of Philadelphia, 
wrote to George Morgan, of Pittsburgh, a brief message 
that showed the intensity of feeling in the colony be- 
cause of the opposition of the mother country : 

"I have now the pleasure of communicating to you 
the joyful news of the repeal of the Stamp Act, news 
that almost calls back youth to the aged, gives health 
and vigour to the sick and infirm . . . America is 
again free! God bless her; long may she remain so." 

In 1774 there came out of Philadelphia the tidings, 
written by William Redwood to William Ellery, that 
freedom seemed nearer than ever : 

" . . .1 have had an opportunity of hearing the 
sentiments of all the Gentlemen Delegates from the 
Several Provinces now in the city, Respecting the 
unhappy Differences between G. Britain and the 
Colonies, and they appear to be firm in the Cause of 
Liberty, they are all very free and conversable as the 
Congress will be held in Carpenter's Hall which is 
directly opposite my House, I shall have an oppor- 
tunity of hearing from time to time how they go on, I 
apprehend they will be the Most Respectable Body 
that ever met together in North America." 

The day came when the Revolutionary army was in 
camp. Then Edward Tilghman, Jr., sent to Benjamin 

242 



PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

Chew a requisition for some of the things he needed 
for his health and the better service of his country : 

"Some time ago I wrote for severall Things — The 
Hunting Shirt I do not now want — would write for all 
the other Things ... A Horse I must have . . . 
My Leather Breeches must be washed and sent . . . 
& with them my Boot-Buckles ... a buff Waist- 
coat with a narrow Lace & a Scrub Coat to ride in rain 
with, Two 30 Dollar Bills in a Letter well secured. 
My Cutteau and Belt. The Waist Coat should have 
the lace taken off I think and cut so as to make a bell 
regimental Waist coat & Lace sold for Epilets ... I 
have six shirts, two more would not be amiss & Handkfs 
2 pr Stockings fit for Boots . . ." 

In an old chest, bought at auction in Philadelphia 
a few years ago, the purchaser discovered under a 
false bottom two commissions to oflBcers who served 
in the Revolution as well as half a dozen letters from 
one of these officers. Captain William Steel, to his 
wife in Lancaster. One of these letters, dated in 
Philadelphia, July 30, 1776, was addressed to *'My 
Dear and Loving Companion," The message she read 
was as follows: 

"I WTote to you the other day But it rejoices me to 
have this opportunity to write to you this evening 
tide or the morning tide we set sail for Trenton and 
from that to Amboy at headquarters the people are 
flocking in here like bees . . . My dear wife rejoice 
that you have your dear father and mother to live 
with there is many men here left their Wives in a 
poor situation and must go on there is no help for them 
Dear wife I thought you would not miss any good 
opportunity to write to an absent friend to let me 
know how you and my little son is in particular and 
all the rest of the family ... I would not forget 
you so soon, but I ascribe it to your grief y* you aint 

243 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

in a capacity to write or else you would not have neg- 
lected me My dear let the fear of God be always before 
your eyes, pray to him for supporting grace and his 
kind protection over you that both may enjoy peace 
and tranquility until I see you both . . . this from 
your loving husband.'* 

A final dip into the post-bag brings to light two 
letters which are in great contrast. One of them was 
written by Benjamin Franklin, though one would 
not readily ascribe it to him if it did not carry his name. 
It was written in the third person to an artist who had 
grievously disappointed the philosopher: 

"Dr. Franklin presents his Compliments to Mr. 
Meyer, and prays him not to detain any longer the 
Picture from which he was to make a Miniature, but 
return it by the Bearer. Hopes Mr. Meyer will not 
think him impatient, as he has waited full Five Years, 
and seen many of his Acquaintance, tho' applying 
later, served before him. Wishes Mr. Meyer not to 
give himself the trouble of making any more Apologies, 
or to feel the least Pain on Act. of his disappointing 
Dr. Franklin, who assures him, he never was disap- 
pointed by him but once, not having for several Years 
past since he has known the Character of his Veracity, 
had the smallest dependence upon it." 

Charles Norris was the writer of the final letter. 
His heart must have been very light. Evidently the 
winter of 1753 had been mild, for he wrote on February 
15, and spring must then have been well on the way. 
At least the letter was so full of spring that there was 
little room for anything else. The letter, which was 
sent to James Wright, began: 

"My Good ffriend 

"It gave me pleasure to hear you got home well, 
and as thee mentions the Weath"^ I shall observe. When 
244 



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PEEPS INTO THE POST BAG 

Froggs and Flys the Land possess, To moderate the 
Colds Excess, By croaking throats and Humming Wing, 
Gladly to welcome the approaching Spring, When 
these thek Watry Council hold, and These Salute 
with bussings Bold, we may conclude the winter's 
past, and Geneal Spring approaches fast— which 
brings to mind the Gardiner's Care, To plant and Soe 
all things rare, and fii'st we think of Colliflowers tast. 
To Soe its Seed with utmost hast, for fear the Season 
sh'd relaps and we not regale our Watry Chaps, mth 
Its delicious tast & food, w-^^ sure wo'd put in Dudgeon 
mood. Then how shall I the sequell tell, when those 
Possest with seed, won't sell. However to be^ a little 
more serious Debby bids me tell thee that she's in hopes 
to prevale on Dubree to spare a little & this was a 
good Day to have sent a Messenger, wo** not have post- 
poned it till another . . . 

"Please To Tender my Grateful Acceptances of 
the Muffatees to my kind friend Sukey Taylor, & tell 
her were I a young Fellow, from whose Mouth or Pen 
such return wo*^ be suitable & apropo, wo*^ say, was the 
Weath^ as Cold as Green Lands Air, Its utmost Rigour 
I wo*^ not fear, but Proud to Breathe the Frigid Land, 
while arm'd w*^ Shield from thy fair hand, I'd think 
the Region not too Cool, but warm my heart by Buf- 
falo's wool. But in more moderate Terms may, And 
perhaps with greater Sincerity, acquaint her w*^ my 
obligations for her warm pres°' Truly Debby tells me 
she intends to Borrow them on Extraordinary Occa- 
sions, to Draw over her Gloves, and w*^'' a Muff to 
Defend her arms from any Cold our Clymat has in petto." 

Surely Charles Norris could give pointers to the 
writers of weird lines that modern versifiers have the 
temerity to call poetry. At any rate it is easy to gather 
his meaning, and that is something that cannot be 
done with the average writer of what one critic has 
called the Charlie Chaplin school of poetry. 

245 



XII 
WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

Proud of Thirty Carts — Why the Chair was Delayed — A Makeshift 
FOR Sheets — The Landlady Whose Eyes Were "None of the 
Prettiest" — A Vain Flight for Safety — To Long Branch Under 
Difficulties — She "Only Overset Twiste" — The Steamboat a 
Philadelphia Invention — Why the Eagle did not Beat the 
Phcenix 

IN 1697, fourteen years after the founding of 
Philadelphia, it was a matter of local pride that 
there were *' thirty carts and other wheeled ve- 
hicles" in the town. It can well be imagined, then, 
that there was little travel to the outer regions, and 
that when a trip was absolutely necessary it had to be 
made, usually either on horseback, or on foot. Travel 
on foot was apt to be preferable, since there were at 
that time few roads, though there were trails which 
had been made by Indian travellers during many 
years. These were so narrow that wheeled vehicles 
could not use them. 

Yet there was more or less travel, even at an early 
date, especially across the Schuylkill to the west and 
northwest and across the Delaware toward Burlington, 
or even on toward New York. 

In 1704 Lord Cornbury granted to John Reeve 
the privilege of keeping a ferry between Philadelphia 
and Burlington, New Jersey. The curious document 
which told of the privilege read : 

"Edward Viscount Cornbury, Captain-General and 
Governor-in-Chief in and over her Majesties provinces 

246 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

of New Jersey, New York, and all the territories and 
tracts of land depending thereon in America, and Vice- 
Admiral of the same. To Jeremiah Bass, Esq., Sec- 
retary of New Jersey— greeting. You are hereby 
required that you forthwith prepare a bill to pass under 
the Great Seale of this province, containing a grant or 
license to John Reeve, to keep the ferry betwixt the 
town of Burlington and city of Philadelphia, upon the 
river Delaware, and you are to insert therein the prices 
allowed him to take for ferriage of either goods, pas- 
sengers, or any other carriage, viz.: for each passenger 
in company from the feast of our lady to the feast of 
St. Michaell; the arch angle, for the summer half year — 
one shilling, if single, to hire the boat, six shillings 
from the feast of St. JMichaeU the arch angle to the 
feast of our lady in the winter, half year, single, seven 
and eight pence; in company fifteen pence for every 
tun of flower; ten shillings and six pence for every tun 
of bread; ten shillings for every hogshead of rum; three 
shillings and the same for molasses and sugar; for every 
pipe of wine five shillings; for all ban-els one shilling 
per piece; for lead and iron six pence per hundred; for 
the beef ten pence per quarter; for every hogg ten 
pence; for every bushel of meale and salt three pence; 
sheep and calves at the same rate with the hoggs dead. 
And you are to take security for the due performance 
of the same." 

The ferry provided was "an open boat with sails, 
giving neither comfort nor convenience to its patrons, 
and when the tide and wind were favorable had some 
pretensions to speed.'* 

Those who wished to go from Philadelphia to New 
York made use of the ferry, which, at least after April, 
1706, connected with a stage for Perth Amboy. At 
that time an exclusive grant was made to Hugh Huddy, 
Gent, of Burlington, to conduct the stage. Accordmg 

247 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

to the terms of the grant he was to have "full power, 
license, and authority by himself, his servants or deputy, 
to sett up, keep use and imploy one or more stagecoach 
or stage coaches, and one or more waggon or waggons, 
or any other, and soe many carrage or carrages as he 
shall see convenient for the carrying or transportation 
of goods and passengers." The grant was to continue 
for a period of fourteen years, and he was to pay for 
the privilege, "one shilling current money ... to 
be paid . . . upon the Feast-day of the Annunciation 
of the blessed Virgin Mary, yearly if demanded." 

A line of packets from Perth Amboy to New York 
enabled the traveler to make the third stage of his 
arduous journey to the town of Manhattan. 

The small amount of the annual rental is perhaps 
to be explained by the fact that roads were hardly 
worthy the name. It was a long, long way from Bur- 
lington to Perth Amboy, for the early road builders 
sought to pass around the head of streams, rather 
than to cross them, and the difficulty was increased 
by the necessity of avoiding hills and marshes. 

Generally the well-to-do among the Colonists or 
those who wanted to put on style secured either a chair 
or a chariot for use in the streets of the town and, on 
occasion, on journeys into the country. It was not 
always an easy matter to secure the vehicle, however, 
as John Wragg discovered inl741. On April 18 Richard 
Hockley wrote to him telling. the reason for delay in 
delivering his chair: 

"The Chair is all finish' d except the Guilding and 
I have sent to New York for some gold leaf we having 
none in town here and you may depend on it in a short 

248 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

time. I am willing it shoii'd look like the other part 
and should be finished in the best manner it can be 
done here and I heartily wish the young Ladies health 
to use it." 

In 1761 twenty-nine Philadelphians were the proud 
possessors of chairs, chariots, or other wheeled vehicles 
for passenger transport. The list compiled at the time 
included the names of the Proprietor, who owned one 
chariot, the Governour, who had one chariot; the Widow 
Francis, David Franks, "William Logan, Thomas Willing, 
one chariot each; David Franks, William Logan, 
Samuel Mifflin, Charles Norris, Isaac Pemberton, John 
Ross, a chaise each, while there was in the city one 
Landau — capitalized, evidently out of respect for the 
vehicle, as was also the single "4 wheel post Chaise." 
In addition to the vehicles named in the list there were 
others of a minor character which the compiler said 
were beyond his "attempt at reckoning." 

Elizabeth Drinker told in her diary in some detail 
of a journey which she made to New York in September, 
1769, in company with her husband and two other 
men. At Bristol they took dinner and were glad to 
meet at the inn two other Philadelphians who, with 
their wives, were returning home from New York. 
Supper was eaten at Trenton, Breakfast next day was 
taken at Prince-Town, while Brunswick was reached 
in time for dinner. At Brunswick Mrs. Drinker wrote 
in her journal telling of the damage done by a storm, 
"Bridge carried away by y^ force of y® water, and the 
Roads greatly hurt by it." 

The second day's breakfast was eaten at Elizabeth- 
Town, and after the meal they "walked thro' part of 

249 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

y® town, and then continued the journey through New 
Ark and Bergen to Powle's Hook, opposite New York. 
Saw about 1500 sheep belonging to that place and 
Elizabeth-Town, attended by one old shepherd. We 
crossed in the Stage, Hackensack or Second river, and 
Newark River." At about five o'clock the North River 
was crossed, and the adventurers were in New York — 
two full days from Philadelphia. 

After six days in and around New York, the party 
went to Rockaway Beach. There Mr. Drinker wished 
to go into the surf, but this was opposed, "it being 
very high, and T. P. apprehending it dangerous from 
the undersuck of the Waves which break on the Beach." 
On the way back to the Inn, the party "stopped at an 
Indian Wig- Warn, and had some talk with the master 
and mistress — two old Indians." 

In 1771 the Drinkers took a summer trip to Lancas- 
ter and Reading, using their own conveyance. Between 
dinner and supper of August 22 they rode "23 long 
miles." Two days more were required to complete 
the round-about trip to Lancaster, during which they 
forded the Schuylkill and branches of the Brandywine 
and Conestoga Creeks. 

From Lancaster the journey was continued toward 
Reading. At Dunkers Town the travelers ate "a 
hearty supper of fried Beefsteaks and Chocolate, and 
lodged all in one room very comfortably." At Reading, 
in company with friends who escorted them, "some 
on horseback and some in carriages," they climbed a 
high hill, "one of the Oley hills." After a time they 
deserted the carriage and horses, and with great fatigue 
and labor, with several stops to rest," they overcame 
, 250 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

all obstructions and found themselves in triumph on 
the summit. 

"This evening," Mrs. Drinker wrote, "our Land- 
lady, a dirty, old, Dutch woman, refused changing 
very dirty, for clean sheets; tho' after much entreaty 
she pretended to comply — but we found to our morti- 
fication she had taken the same sheets, sprinkled them, 
and then ironed and hung them by the fire, and placed 
them again on the bed; so that we were Necessitated 
to use our Cloaks, &c., and this night slept without 
sheets. With the assistance of our two servants cook- 
ing, we supped pretty well, and slept better than we 
had any reason to expect, all in one room." 

After passing through the Town of Northampton, 
commonly called Allentown, they forded a creek 
called Jordan, and soon after forded the Lehigh — "first 
from the shore to an Island, and from thence over the 
broad and stony part to y® other shore." 

On the way to Nazareth Hall, the journal of the 
trip went on, "Our Horse stumbled badly in a rut; I 
jumped out of y® chaise and strained my foot badly, 
so that it soon swelled much, and proved very painful." 

Philadelphia was reached just in time to set off on a 
business trip to Coryell's Tavern, on the York Road, 
where Mr. Drinker was to meet the "commissioners 
appointed for improving and clearing the navigation 
of the river Delaware." 

June 27, 1772, saw the beginning of another jour- 
ney, when Mr. and Mrs. Drinker set out "in y^ Chaise." 
"We stopped a little time at Fair-Hill, at W'm. Hill's, 
where Rachel Drinker and her son Henry joined us 
in their chaise," Mrs. Drinker wrote, "and then pro- 

251 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

ceeded on the Old York road until we came to Moses 
Sheppards, about 11 miles from Pliilada, where we 
stopped and visited the Mineral waters opposite his 
house, where one French has contrived a Bath. The 
water tastes pretty strong. At Lloyd's Tavern, at y° 
Forks of the road leading to Horsham and y^ Billet, 
we stopped and dined with John Drinker, who came 
soon after us; his son returning to Town on our young 
Horse which his father had ridden up. Came to the 
widow Jemmison's where we supped and lodged." 

June 28 was First day, so the party went to Buck- 
ingham Meeting, "said to be the largest House, and 
Body of Friends belonging to it, of any country meeting 
in the Province." After dinner the journey was con- 
tinued to Quakertown, in Jersey. 

The return trip was varied by a turning off from 
the Old York Road towards Abingdon, Oxford Church 
and Frankford. 

A more satisfactory account of a trip is given by 
Sarah Eve, because she takes the time to dwell on the 
views along the wayside. On May 4, 1773, the journey 
began. The story is quoted from her Journal : 

"Between eight and nine o'clock this morning, Mrs. 
Smith, Mr. Clifford, and I in the carriage, and Mr. 
Smith on horseback, set off for Rocky Point, about 
seventeen miles distant [opposite Burlington]. The 
morning was as fine as ever shone in May, and the 
roads exceeding good. We passed through Frankford 
. . . The prospect from the hill after crossing the 
bridge, is really pleasing; one has a fine view of several 
houses on the Point side, and on the other is the County 
road; the church stands on the right, and is a good-look- 
ing country church enough! From the What Sheff I 
252 



ADVEHTISEMENI S. 

THe Pert Crucxit from StwTnk ind Snylw rhc i^ih 
Diy of tKo InfUnt Mjnh, arwf art to prrfcnn 
tlitir5ngt! Weekly oil DwSfaoK. Wl.ichillei>tion of 
Ihe Poft will occjfioii tha Nem PSfcr <-■ 'omr lorlh 
evcrv Thfiiii-j, on whuh DiJ Ihe Port (etj out fcon. 
rh-Ljilfbit. 

.MjTeh &lh. 1719 

Th>lMj.lfh,a. ,«tw.i.- 30 17JJ 

On Mtpitynen th^Norihcm Port f^b oMt from Wtw- 
J-Srt, in orirlo perform his Soge but oncf j Kgrlnif^hl, 
dunn*; tho Winter Quarter , the iouth^-m Poif ih»n£;-v jti". 
v.liich\.illcjure Ihif Paper loromc oof on -ru^ij..; ilor.n,; 
(hit Time The Coldj whkh have infe.irJ llie Nortlwrn 
Colonies h>ve alfo been iroihUfcnw her,-, icw Fartiles 
having efcjpeil (h* fame, leveral have h«cn tarry J t^d bf 
the &)ld. ainong whom »ai Dttti ^■•l—U tnlhe^'th 
Year of hi5>se. h» «u the fitft Mm that h,J a Dnc» 
Houfe in the City <j! fhlAjtlfhia, inj wj. m ich ellecBld 
for hlf (oft zna upriKhl dea!,ng, Thert g->ei o Keport h<re, 
that the Lord A./i.«.-. and Hi) Lad? are arrived m .Vjrv. 
/aW but the Southern Poll burg no< ve< come in, Ihc laid 
Be 






ir^U tr Mvtur^ 



- Philadelphia and Perth-Arnboy Stages. 

NOTICE is hereby given, that we 
the S<)b(i»(berv John SolUr, ol Phil*Vlr.hii, 
It th< iign ot the Dewh ot th« Fot. in .Striv*-. 
berr) Alkj, begin; hi* Stanton Tu^idav, th^ Ninth 
ot Ihii Intlanl Novemhtr, from Hn Houfc ina will 
pvoortd witt^ hi; Waggon ta itie Hooleol Nathan. 
lel Parker, at Trcntcn Ferry i and froi« thtnce the 
GckjJ* ini^ paircri,er* toSacarrK^over the FerT> to 
the H-juie Vept Oy Oor(,e Mofchtl. where rrancii 
Holman wia n««1 the abciie J^hn teller, and ca- 
changc thrir PalTengc/'.. At. and Itien proce«J on 
Wedneftla) through Princ«tjv.n and New Brunf. 
wick, lofheHotale ot (3b»41ah Airic*. In Perth Am- 
boy. vfherc wlU lae a soo-' Boat- with all Conve- 
nienoe) neceflary. ken>t t^* John Thom'onanti Wil- 
liam Waller, lor tha Reception oi i'atUn«cri, &<■. 
who will procMrf on Thur[da> Morning, wiihe^l 
Delay, ior Nfw-Tfork. and tlieie Iitfdat Whi'rhi.i. 
where the lau) Waiier and Thomplon wi. give At- 
tendance at the Hoide of Ahrahinv Sockeys, un- 
til .Monday Mortiinirfoliowiii^. a id then 
to Perth. AmOoT, where Frjnvia Holenjr 
dajr Mcmmg foliowjivg will a 
hia Vk'aegon to Trenton Ker 
ler. at philadalpfiia, and flxrre clehan,,t 
fcngers 6ic forNew- York and Fhiladelph' 
[t IV hcived, that as thete'5t*gc3 are attei 
a confiderJhle Exptnce, lor the 'jettet 
dating Paflenjprs, that Ihej will merit the l-avwir! 
of thePultlklli and whoever wiil be plealed to ta- 
vour them with their CuHom, (hall be kinJI> uleo 
and have due ,\ttendance iiiven them .^v *'*^'^,,"7' 
ble Ser«ntj. JOHN BUTUR, fR^NClS HOL 
MAN. JOHN THOMMON, and WILLIAM W AL 
LEa. 



Tuef- 

J return wll 
[«> I ,hn bu 



Ith 



BORDENTOffS Suge Continued 
TOfcph Borden's rtage boat, Jolcph 

J Cani.il mader, attend; at theerooked-hdiet wharf 
every nvjnilav and tueldav. and hn Ihallofi, Uan.cl 
Mirnlon MiOer.atlherarnr pljee every fri-liy and 
(atoMa, It,,.,. „jgg(,„5 attend', ihe l.i,d brvsis the 
lheltaset..»t at Amooycommanded bv AaronWwardj 
Aitothrownn-yoJtheBuriinslun n..-e boafting of 
li.e.radvantasev being fupctior to mm'e, I ftjll not 

ahi the tnxihle I g nuke rei,l> Ino, becaule the pa*. 

ickbythlvlin,, mhebrtt ludjea of „„r llaim and 
lhc.ra.t,ama«.a.oni,<halljua notethe la.Ulaufe of 
Ihtir advertilemtnl. thatii, they la) we ate one tidr 
nwreupon Ihc wil.r. than they ate. wnich in latl, 
)■ laying w.-..i^ ..twavv two Udei upon our pallage. 
WrlUcnc^'^rher aitvmiaierv, that is a larpe one. 
All (;-r.tVm(r and ladics, t hat pieafe to favour me 

with ibe.r bulinelv. may devehd upon the wtmoit 
Ureanddilpetbh, of their hpmtilefervant 

•r-Kifji^,.^ jOStPH BORDE.N, 



■■q 






■~'.<"!^A 



'-VU. 



rh, 



5TACt.W AGCON,and Naw.Tork 

STAGR Boat tenorma tketr StaReatw,c«t W^li. 

T O H N B O T L E R, with his wag 

J 611, let. iut on Monday. from huHiufe.it 1 he Si«n 
ofihcUe^ih ^1 th. foa. u> 5trawt«r.y all,, and H-.vevlV 
\»TT^ lay to Trenton '^erry, when Frances Hojman meatj 
htm, and ptotecdi on Tuel'day to Brunlwieh, and the par. 
fcvgcrt ^nd goodsbcinij ihilled intotbe waggon of lUac 
Fitrrandolph.he tahci them t.j the Nca Blaring 5tar to 
Jacob Fittfir.dolpK'i the laoieday whereRobin Fifzran- 
dolph, with J Vat welt rviie.t, will reoe.ve them, and 
tale them Ic New Yotklhet mjHt John Botlcr relum- 
ing to Philadelphij on Toelday with the pallcngeti and 






Hcili 



isHolm 
n Ferry on TbuTldiy, ....Ifranciv 

Ac. will carry hiapalunf^er) ^ni gooiv, withjlve „ 

peditlon » above tu New torlv, Toeti. 

«*a<r Jlm^ MartJt 3 \J3a 

W'HEREAS the Stage Boats ,m. 

' ' ploy d liefwcen PhiUMJfihi* and fit" Tn-b are 
lound very Advanlageouxo the PuWich Thnrfoi, 
the SuWcrihers have erefled «5lago Irom Phd.iMlihi» 
to Anrt^'uf in Man'^tdlor which t^rpolt -^tr^thjn 
Jfioj. .e- olTlromi^yJ'a Vfhail evocv Saiurda, »„<( 
priceeda to /taa'y Ifiandto O-naiiitr (Ttirfv i*herT the 
Waggon attends and procsodj to A'rr^rr/Vi rriart to * 
SrageHoat which proceeds to ^rmtpotiiu^ (u to conti. 
nuc weekly. And aa tllta tlndertaning will Oe ^oniulc. 
lably expenfu'C it i> hopiid Ihe PnbhcK w.n give ,t 
;^npcr fjicoorfleemcnt and \i Ihall be perlf>rmed, at 
nxvteratiRalciby JOHN HUGHEV. and Com=. 

H a. The Land Carnage ia : l ,111101 and the l..i j 
Jariua Icavca R«.<^ li1«nd an To-ktaya 



•s/VV 






STAGE CO-\CH .\I)VERTISP;MENT.S I''K(),\I 1>H1I,.\I)EI,PHI.\ 1'.\PERS 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

was an entire stranger to that part of the world, as here 
were the bounds of my travels eastward . . . 

"The prospects on each side are beautiful, and you 
are every now and then agreeably surprised by a sight 
of the Delaware. We are now on Penne Pack Bridge; 
you will say I am but a poor traveler when I tell you 
it is the best bridge I ever went over, although it has 
but three arches. I wish it was in my power to de- 
scribe the beauties of this place; stop and look at it! 
on the left side you see the waters tumbling down the 
rocks prattling and sparkling as it goes; at the bottom 
it runs rippling over stones and then through the brdge 
where it soon seems to forget its late rapidity and 
gently murmurs on. The creek is not very wide, so 
that the trees on each side might almost shake hands, 
and what adds much to the beauty of the whole, are 
the shrubs and bushes all along in bloom the banks. 
But it won't do to stay here all day . . . 

"I have forgotten to mention before that we passed 
the place upon which it was first designed by man, 
but not by the author of nature, to have built Phila- 
delphia; it is a fine, high, delightful spot, and much 
pleasanter than where it now stands; after some time 
they discovered a riff of rocks near the harbour, which 
was the natural cause of their quitting that sweet spot; 
it still goes by the name of 'Old Philadelphia' and there 
are many good Plantations upon it, the distance from 
the present city being about twelve miles . . . 

"The way from this to Poquestion Bridge is pleas- 
antly diversified by hills and agreeable looking farms, 
and at this season is beautiful indeed; the sheep feedmg 
upon the sides of the hills, the bnds hopping from 
bough to bough, the cattle grazing in the meadows, or 
lying at their ease under the shade of a spreading oak 
or poplar, serves to put one in mind of that age so 
celebrated by the Poets. 

"I remember nothing remarkable from here to 

253 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Shameney [Neshaminy]; we crossed tlie ferry in a scow 
rowed by one man. I wonder they don't have ropes 
as they have at the Schuylkill, but I suppose they 
know best. 

"We now left the York road and turned to the right, 
the way very pleasant, and we soon entered the con- 
fines of Rockey Point, our first Salutation was from the 
sweet birds perched upon the boughs that we almost 
touched from the sides of the fence; the violets were 
blown in quantities, and the houses began to open to 
our view; then such a prospect! but what shall I say 
of it the most luxuriant fancy cannot imagine a finer one. 

" It was ^fter twelve that we alighted, much pleased 
with our ride, and a most excellent appetite for dinner, 
which Betsy soon obliged us with, and we convinced her 
in a much more expressive manner than by words how 
good it was. 

, "There are two neat prety houses here, with two 
handsome rooms upon a floor, and kitchens behind 
them; the descent is gradual to the river, and the dis- 
tance a quarter of a mile, the avenue, which is over two 
hundred feet wide is planted with different kinds of 
cherry-trees. The plan of this place is really elegant. . . 
- "You likewise see Burlington. Between three and 
four o'clock Mr. Smith went don to look for a boat, as 
we intended to lodge in Burlington. Luckily at that 
time there happened/to pass a negro fellow going there 
in a boat very proper for our purpose, and he was good 
enough to wait until Mr. Smith came up for us.'* 

In August, 1773, when a company of travelers went 
from Philadelphia to Bethlehem and other places 
conditions were much the same as when Mr. and Mrs. 
Drinker made the trip. At one house where they 
were entertained it was noted that the house was "neat 
and handsome," and that the people were obliging. 
A few days later, in Allentown, they tried to stop at 

254 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

the King of Prussia, but it was impossible to remain 
in the house. Fortunately they were asked to take 
breakfast at a private house. At Levans they ate 
"such a Dinner as Travellers must often put up with." 
The historian of the party ungallantly said that they 
might have enjoyed the meal better if the landlady 
had come in without her eyes, " which were none of the 
prittiest to behold." Again, after spending the night 
in a disagreeable house, the statement was made, 
"the fellow who keeps it is an impertinant Scoundrel, 
having the impudence to charge in his Bill five shillings 
for his attendance (non-attendance he ought to have 
said,) as he came not near us. On the contrary, Wilkin- 
son's house at Heading was designated a "good House, 
victuals good & well dressed, wine exceeding good, 
and the people obliging." 

The party set out from Lancaster for Philadelphia 
in good spirits. "But alas! a sad accident had like to 
have turned our Mirth to Mourning, for W., driving 
Careless, and being hapily engaged with the Lady he 
had the pleasure of riding with, and not mindful 
enough of his charge, drove full against a large stump 
which stood in the way, by which the Chaise was over- 
turned and the Lady thrown out to a considerable 
distance, but happily received no hurt." 

That night the supper was "pretty tolerable," 
but the beds were indifferent, "being short of Sheets 
for the beds, the Woman was good enough to let W. 
have a table cloth, in lieu of one." 

At last the journey was ended, and the party was 
once more safe in Philadelphia, "to the great joy of 
all concerned, after having escaped many perils by 

255 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Land and by Walter such as already recited in this 
true and faithful Journal, and by being abroad from 
Families and Kindred so long a time as twelve days, 
and further this Journal sayeth not," (The total dis- 
tance covered was about 210 miles). 

During the days of the Revolution many Phila- 
delphians sought safety by flight into the country. 
Mrs. Eliza Farmar in 1783 wrote to a cousin, telling of 
an experience on the road one day when she tried to go 
to the country, in accordance with her husband's desires : 

"Sally and I did go Near 40 Miles up the country 
in a Waggon loaded with some of our goods in the 
midst of Deer Just before the battel at Trenton I cannot 
give you a full description of the distress and Con- 
fution that apeared in every face for they gave out 
that the Souldiers was to have their days plunder that 
terified people to that degree that they were happy 
who got carriages to carry their goods and famllys off 
tho some knew not where to go I saw one family of 
ten persons one of which a young woman and her child 
six weeks old with their household goods in two opin 
waggons and tho it had frose hard in the night and then 
snowd hard they were obliged to goe through it 
and had no place to go to but had preswad[ed] the 
Waggoner to take them to his house tho an utter 
stranger . . . The roads were so bad that we were 3 
days on our journey and suffered so much ..." 

After the war was over Philadelphians had time to 
think of a trip to the seashore. And what a trip it 
was in those days! Elizabeth Drinker tells of one 
outing to the Atlantic Coast, which was taken in July 
and August, 1785. 

The start was made on July 28. "Left home after 
dinner, H. D. and E. D. in y® Chaise, Nancy and Henry 

256 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

in another; baited at Martins', arrived at Josey Smith's 
in y® evening near Burlington; lodged there, and staid 
till after dinner next day." 
The record of July 29 was: 

"Came to Richard Wain's before dark; should have 
got there sooner, but were delayed sometime on ye road, 
about 3 miles from R. Ws. by the oversetting of ye 
Chaise Henry drove, occasioned by Nancy and him- 
self carelessly talking, instead of minding a stump in 
ye way." 

Next day Betsy Wain and her daughter set off 
with the party for "Shrewsberry." Four of the enlarged 
company rode in Richard Wain's waggon, while two 
rode in the Chaise. 

Shrewsberry was reached in three days from Phila- 
delphia, and the members of the party went on to 
Black Point in the evening and at once sought com- 
fort in "y® water." 

After four days at the shore, with daily experience 
of "y^ bath," which gradually became "rather more 
easy," the party started for Long Branch on y^ Sea- 
shore," some in the waggon, some in a Boat. From 
Long Branch two of the men went to New York by 
water, returning in three days. 

The journey back to Philadelphia was made without 
incident, by way of Monmouth, Richard Wain's, 
and Dunk's Ferry, which is not far from the present 
Eddington on the Bristol road. 

In a letter to her aunt, IVIrs. Jasper Yeates, Miss 
Kitty Ewing told of an adventure of hers in a Chair 
which resulted no more seriously than the accident of 
Henry Drinker on the way to the sea coast. She said : 

17 " 257 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

" I am grown a great traveller . . . Mr. Johnston 
took us up to Carlile & whe had a very pleasant ride of 
it. Mr. anders & I whare in one Chair Fanny and her 
dady in the other, our Chare only overset twiste the 
first place that Mr. anders overset in was as even as 
the flower I now stand on Fanny & I whaire oblig'd to 
walk the fore miles as that was all whe had to go. our 
Chare was broke all to peaces & Mr. Johnstons hors 
whas forst to carry all the burden that whas in our 
Chaire whe took pitty on the poor hors & would walk." 

In 1791 the welcome announcement was made that 
a stage would run during the summer season between 
Philadelphia and Bethlehem. The journey from 
Philadelphia would begin on Thursday, and from Beth- 
lehem the start would be on Monday. The Philadelphia 
starting point was from the house of George Lester, 
at the sign of the Spread Eagle, in Third Street. 
The trip in either direction would require at least 
twenty -four hours; the start was to be at five o'clock 
and the destination was to be reached, if all was well, 
some time in the forenoon of the next day. Each 
passenger was to pay fifteen shillings, and was to be 
allowed fourteen pounds of baggage. " 150 lbs. weight 
of goods" were to be reckoned for one passenger. 
Letters would cost two cents each, and way passengers 
were to be charged four pence per mile. 

Such a stage was used by Benjamin Henry Latrobe 
in parts of his trip from Philadelphia to Richmond 
in 1798. Of this trip he wrote: 

"The weather was very bad again, the roads, 
however, were better than when I came up. Between 
Philadelphia and Chester we lamed a horse, which 
accident delayed us near two hours. Got very late to 

258 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

the Head of Elk, and through the most horrid of roads 
from thence to the Susquehannah at half-past twelve. 
It was very calm, but a strong fresh in the river ren- 
dered crossing tedious. At Barney's, where we arrived 
at half past one, there was neither fire nor supper 
provided. After much grumbling we procured both, 
and got to bed about half past two. At four we were 
again in the stage . . . and arrived in Baltimore at 
eleven o'clock. The weather cleared up, but the roads 
were as bad as ever." 

Soon after Washington was left behind, the splinter 
bar was broken. "Mr. Rogers and I therefore resolved 
to walk on," Mr. Latrobe wrote. "It was soon dark 
and began to rain, and we trudged up to our knees 
in mud a great part of the way to Alexandria. The 
stage overtook us just as we entered the town." 

Three days later Richmond was reached. The 
expenses of the trip was as follows: 

To Baltimore $8 00 

To Georgetown 4 75 

To Fredericksburg 3 50 

To Richmond 3 50 

Meals & lodging five days 11 25 

31 00 

One of the heavy expenses involved in almost any 
trip was due to the ferries, which were convenient but 
expensive. At Cooper's Ferry between Philadelphia 
and Camden the charges in 1782 were ninepence for a 
single passenger, two shillings and sixpence for a man 
and horse, and one shilling and sixpence per wheel 
for an empty carriage. WTien an appeal was made 
to have the rate lowered the proprietor protested, 

259 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

urging that though ferry charges had been advanced 
some fifty per cent, within a certain length of time, 
his bills had considerably more than doubled. For 
instance, he paid a ferry man, per month, £5, while 
a new Horse Boat cost £60, a new Wherry £40, a 
Suit of Sails for the Horse Boat, £18, and a Boat 
Builder, per day, fifteen shillings. 

A few years after this appeal to maintain the charges 
was made, a curious contrivance appeared in the Dela- 
ware River that was a prophecy of the end of the old- 
fashioned method of ferry boat transportation as well 
as the forerunner of all steamboats and steamships. 
This was the first crude steamboat built by John Fitch. 

Early in 1784, the sight of a carriage drawn by horses 
led Fitch to think of the possibility of a carriage pro- 
pelled by steam. He had never seen a steam engine. 
He declared that he did not know that such a thing 
was in existence. A winter's thought led him to decide 
that steam carriages were impracticable, because of 
the roughness of the roads. Then he began to think 
of a boat propelled by steam. The first model was 
built with paddle wheels. The machinery was made of 
brass, while the paddle wheels were made of wood. 
Trial was made of this first paddle boat during the 
spring of 1785, the trip beginning at the High street 
bridge over the Schuylkill. 

Because of the mechanical difficulties in the crude 
paddle wheels, it was resolved to abandon them in 
favor of oars or paddles to be arranged as in a boat 
propelled by man power, but moved in this case by 
steam. A boat on this principle was built in 1787, 
and was comparatively successful. 
260 




MODEL OF JOHN FITCH S S'lF^AM KN(iI.\E 




PLAN' OF JOHN FITCH S STEAMHOAT 







<! bO 
Q -M 
«§ 

-* J 

H "3 

o 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

The boat was repaired and altered, and a new trial 
was made in the autumn of 1788. *'A mile was meas- 
ured in Front street, (or Water-street), Philadelphia, 
and the bounds projected at right angles, as exactly 
as could be to the wharves, where a flag was placed 
at each end, and also a stop watch," William Thornton, 
one of the spectators, wrote in 1810. "The boat 
was ordered under way at dead water, or when the 
tide was found to be without movement; as the boat 
passed one flag it was struck, and the watches instantly 
stopped. Every precaution w^as taken, before wit- 
nesses, the time was shewn to all; the experiment de- 
clared to be fairly made, and the boat was found to go 
at a rate of eight miles an hour, or one mile within the 
eighth of an hour ... It afterward went eighty 
miles in a day ! The Governor and Council of Pennsyl- 
vania were so highly gratified with our labours, that 
without their intention being previously known to us, 
Governor Mifflin, attended by the Council in pro- 
cession, presented to the company, and placed in the 
boat, a superb silk flag." 

The success of the trial led the inventor to invite 
a company of ladies and gentlemen to take a trip on 
the Perseverance from Philadelphia to Burlington and 
return. They accepted, and on October 12, 1788, 
the journey was made, "against the current of the 
Delaware, twenty miles, in three hours and ten minutes, 
which gave a speed of six miles and one third an hour, 
having thirty passengers on board at the time," Charles 
Whittlesey wrote in his life of John Fitch. "As the boat 
approached the city on the return, the inventor, too 
much elated by his triumphant success, directed the 

261 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

fire to be crowded, and the speed increased. Within 
a couple of miles of the wharf, a joint in the boiler gave 
way, and the steam issuing out, scalded one of the fire- 
men severely, as might be expected, the passengers were 
in consternation, and some even insisted upon being put 
on shore, when they struggled into town on foot." 

La 1790 an improved model, with paddles in the 
stern, was so successful that it became a regular pas- 
senger and freight boat on the Delaware, running a 
total of between two and three thousand miles at a 
speed of from seven to eight miles an hour, whereas 
Fulton's Clermont, seventeen years later, could ac- 
complish little more than six miles an hour. 

Soon there appeared in the Philadelphia papers the 
following announcement: 

"The steamboat is now ready to take passengers, 
and is intended to set off from Arch street Ferry in 
Philadelphia, every Monday, Wednesday and Friday 
from Burlington, Bristol, Bordentown & Trenton, to 
return on Tuesdays, Thursdays & Saturdays. Price 
for Passengers 2/6 to Burlington and Bristol, 3/9 to 
Bordentown, 5s. to Trenton." 

Plans were immediately made to build a larger 
boat, so that two boats might be sent to Virginia, in 
time to take advantage of the state grant of exclusive 
rights to transportation on the Ohio River and its 
tributaries. Pennsylvania had already granted without 
condition a similar right for waters under her control. 
The United States patent, signed by Washington, 
was not granted until August 26, 1791. 

Vexatious delays hindered the work on the new 
boat. Enemies attacked Fitch, friends forsook him, 

262 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

rivals interfered with him, dire poverty added to his 
difficulties. It became impossible for him to complete 
the vessel in season to comply with the Virginia stat- 
utes. Finally the inventor abandoned the enterprise. 
He still believed in it, but he was too much discouraged 
to go on. He insisted, however: 

"The day will come when some more powerful man 
will get fame and riches from my invention, but no- 
body will believe that poor John Fitch can do anything 
worthy of attention." 

How far John Fitch was ahead of Robert Fulton, 
who is popularly thought of as the inventor of the steam- 
boat, is shown by an enthusiastic letter which Fulton 
sent to Thomas Mifflin, governor of Pennsylvania, 
in March, 1796, ten years after Fitch wrote his account 
of the steamboat. In this letter Fulton stated his 
belief that "canals are the only effectual means of 
producing land communications." It was his hope 
that each state would supervise its own canals in such a 
manner "that all future canals may be constructed 
on much a scale and principle, in order that when the 
various branches meet the boats of one may navigate 
the other wherever canals extend." He was convinced 
that lock canals could never be satisfactory, but urged 
the use of his own invention wherever the levels of a 
canal changed, a double inclined plane on which the 
boats, upon wheeled carriages, "were to be dragged 
out of the upper and lower canals by means of ropes 
working on the axles of water-wheels." 

He dreamed of a canal from Philadelphia to Fort 
Pitt, of which the first portion, possibly to Lancaster, 
was to be built at a cost of £150,000. The tolls for the 

263 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

use of the completed section should be used to extend 
the canal, he said, "the tolls on such extensions being 
appropriated in like manner to further extensions, 
and so on, — the toll to be continually devoted to 
finishing more canals, till canals would pervade the 
whole country." 

When at length the canal to Fort Pitt should be 
completed, he calculated that "on such a canal a man, 
boy, and horse, would convey 40 tons 20 miles per day 
and arrive in Philadelphia in eighteen days, at ten shill- 
ings per day amounting to 180 shillings for forty tons, 
or 4s. 6d. per ton, the expense of boating, independent 
of tolls." 

On September 12, 1796, Fulton sent to President 
Washington, at Philadelphia, a presentation copy of 
his enthusiastically written " Treatise on the Improve- 
ment of Canal Navigation." On a blank page of the 
volume he called Washington's attention to his belief 
that as "the discovery of the Mariner's compass Gave 
Commerce to the World," as "the Invention of printing 
is dissipating darkness and giving a Polish to the Mass 
of Men," so "the Introduction of the Creative System 
of Canals" is "as certain in their Effects: will Give 
an Agricultural Polish To every Acre of America." 

Before he completed his prophecy, he declared that 
he "would propose to make the horsepath of the Lead- 
ing Canals Sufficiently wide for a Road, which would 
Indeed be of Little use but for horsemen or Light 
Carriages : and this union of the Canal and Road would 
produce numerous Advantages. First the Canal 
would Convey materials to mend the Road at Little 
expense; second, In the Winter Season part might be 

264 




Double IniliiM'd Plun<-. 







^A- 



ROBERT FULTON S DOUHLE INCLINED PLANE FOR CANALS 






TO THE 



DELAWARE 

PILOTS 

TH E Regard wc have for your Charactrrs. ami i>ur D< Tire to [.romoic vour 
future Peace and Safety, arc the Occifion of this Tlnrd AildrcK lo you 
In our fcconJ Letter we aequaEtitcil von. tlial the lea .SIhd wis a Thrri' 
Decker ; We are now informed by good Author ny. ftic is not .1 Ilitcf l)n Kcr, hui 
an old black Ship, ■uiithnd a HfoJ, or any OrrmmiNlj. 

The Captam \a Jkort fatfcWuvt. and A little fJ-flmtU/ withal — Si) much the wurfc 
for him. — For, fo lure as he r;//fj rM/i-v. Wc Ihall h. ave lum Ktel out. M,d Ici Ihit 
his Bottom be well fired, rciubb'd and jj.ud.. Ili>. L|i|)rf Works too. wd! h.»v<; .ki 

Oerhawling and as it is faid, he has .i y.K.d k\,:.,\ <,| (jmi.vj H'/a jhoui Imn. W<- 

will take particular Care that fuch fart ol him un.l.ri^oes .1 thnr<jii;h Kumm.ir;,ii.; 

We have a dill x/XiTfe AcccunX of /in 'h,n.' ... fir it 1-, (aul. tin- ship I'.^i v k la 
bought by him on Purpofe. to rnake a I'l i.iiv of ii< . .ind th.it hi and * jp'.ia A\'-- 
were welladvifed.of the Rifque they wo.dd mn. in thus d.iniii{ to inluli jnd dbul. 
us. 

Ca/)/flj» ^yro was here in thc'Iimci.l i!i.- S.,ini|. \. 1. .ii.d oui^ht to have known 
our People better, than to have cxped.d w,- »,iul,l he 1,> mean i' t„ fuller Ins 'ctUn, 
T I. .\ to be funnel'd down our Throats, v.,(|i i|„ i:,,iuir.,„l'i /Vui imxi ,1 vsilh 11 

We know him well, and liave calriil.uod jo :, (;ili .,nd .t Je.iih.r, how much it 
will require to fit him for an yfmai.u>i f.x/ui,!.,.- . \tid ue li....i- 1, )' ..i.< o( your 
Body will behave fo ill, as to oblige us to ,bn |„,„ ,„ ,1„. Cart alonif .Side of the 
Captain. 

Wt murt repeat, that the S H I P P f ) [. r. y „ j„ ,„■, ;„■, .;. shit of ab,.ut Two 
Hundred and Fifty Tons burthen, u>ttho.f „ lUad and ,. • ;' u, , ■„ „, . . md th.t 

CAPTAIN AYRES \^ ^ tJikk amnh Fr!l,r^ \, h, I, T^/l L.Rt i.> 

AVOID THEM. - V . n. 1. ^.. 

Y o K « Old H b i l n u i, 

The CO.MMITTEE fo« TARRIXt; and FEATHERING. 

THF TFA cuiD u ^°^^^y Morning. December 2;i, ,773. 
HE TEA-SHIP being arrived, every Inhabitant, ^ho wilhes 
St.x T "''V. ^'^"'^ of America, i. def.red to meet at the 
vifewW "'r'n 'u^°'"'"S' P^"'f^'v at TEN o'clock, to ad- 
vtfe what u bcft to be done on this alarming Cnfu. 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

frozen and another open. And as the Inns would be on 
the banks of the Canals, the Inhabitants would learn 
of the various travelers, the State of the Stages of 
Canal; hence the traveler might take either Canal or 
Road, whichever the weather and his time Rendered 
most Convenient: And thus he would be accommoda- 
ted with an easy passage through the Country" — at 
the rate of six miles an hour! 

The day came, however, when Robert Fulton 
ceased to talk of canals because his attention was taken 
up by the steamboat. He succeeded w^here John Fitch 
had failed. In 1807 the Clermont was making regular 
trips on the Hudson, and within five years there 
appeared the first steam ferry boat, of which an 
impressionable Philadelphian wrote in 1812: 

"The once formidable Hudson has ceased to present 
a barrier between the two great cities of the U. S. . . . 
it can now be passed over with as much ease as Frank- 
ford Creek or the High Bridge at Kensington. The 
Steam Ferry boat, which moves with all the Majesty 
of a floating Island is certainly the greatest masterpiece 
of human ingenuity that I have ever witnessed. You 
drive from a floating wharf which is always exactly of 
the height, on to its noble deck, and by magic, as it 
were, are transported to the other side of the river. 
The machinery is all enclosed, and there is nothing to 
alarm the most timid horse. The helmsman is sta- 
tioned 8 or 10 feet above the common deck, on the 
octagon case that incloses the works; there is a frame 
of floating timbers on either side of the dock, so that 
the boat cannot miss coming to the exact spot to land, 
and even the jar occasioned by so large a body striking 
full against the wharf, is completely prevented by a 
frame of timbers that slide out from the wharf 10 or 12 

265 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

feet to receive the first shock, but present but little 
resistance, at first, as the weights are casks of water 
under the surface of the river, but being gradually 
hoisted out by the force which the boat applies to the 
sliding frame, become much heavier when they get into 
the air. Grappling irons immediately seize the boat 
and hold her close to the wharf, so that you may in- 
stantly drive ashore, and as there are two rudders she 
is immediately ready to perform her voyage back again 
without turning . . . this wonder . . . certainly 
presents a nevv^ epoch in the art of transportation, which 
will not be excelled until the art of flying shall have 
been brought to perfection ..." 

The writer was right. There has been little real 
improvement in the basic principles of either the ferry 
boat itself or the method of effecting a landing since 
the first steam ferry was put in operation. 

The day came when the steamboat was for many 
people a recognized feature of the trip from Philadelphia 
to New York. There were those who preferred to con- 
tinue to make^ use of the stage coach for the entire 
distance, but there were others to whom such advertise- 
ments as the following made insistent appeal : 

New York Steamboats 
Only twenty-five miles by land 
Passage through, Four Dollars and Fifty Cents 
The Philadelphia and Rariton Steam Boats, con- 
nected by Stages, form a line to New York. Passengers 
leave the foot of Market Street in Philadelphia, every 
Monday, Wednesday and Friday morning at 7 o'clock, 
sleep at Brunswick, and arrive at New York the next 
morning at 12 o'clock. The mode of conveyance to be 
preferred to any other, as the distance by land by the 
Bristol and Elizabeth town boats is fifty-six miles, by 
the common stage eighty-six miles, but by this route 
only twenty-five miles. 

266 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

James , Morrell, in his trip from Philadelphia to 
Saratoga Springs, taken in 1813, made use of the alter- 
native land and water route between Philadelphia and 
New York which the advertisement mentioned. His 
own account of the journey has been preserved : 

"Left Philadelphia on Wednesday morning, Au- 
gust 11th, 1813, at 7 o'clock, on board the Steam Boat 
* Eagle,' Captain Rodgers. The company very nu- 
merous, about one hundred and thirty, some for different 
parts situated upon the River Delaware and others for 
the Eastern States. After having stopped at several 
places to land passengers, we unfortunately, and much 
to the disappointment of all on board, found that one of 
the wheels composing a part of the Steam Engine was 
broken. , This unfortunate circumstance, unfortunate, 
I must call it, as we were all anxious to beat the 'Phoe- 
nix' Steam Boat which had started about twenty 
minutes before us, and on which we were gaining very 
fast, took place nearly abreast of what is called the old 
Bake House, about 13 miles from Philadelphia. I 
could not but remark the sorrowful aspect and dread- 
ful long faces caused by the affair. Poor creatures, the 
various opinions of our future fate was really amusing, 
having among us not a few old maids, I was much di- 
verted with their anxiety . . . however, fortune 
favored us, and after an hour and a half detention, they 
succeeded in repairing the work so as to proceed and 
we finally arrived at Bordentown, about ^ past 2 
o'clock. Here we were crammed ten into one Stage 
with all our baggage. 

"Before I proceeded further upon my journey, I 
shall beg leave to make mention of the superior style 
in which the accommodations of the 'Eagle' Steam 
Boat is fitted up. The cabins both for Ladies and 
Gentlemen surpass anything of the kind I have met 
with in all my travels heretofore. We dined on board, 

267 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

the table was elegantly laid out, and the best kind, 
equal to any table in the best Hotels . . . 

"The road from Trenton to Gulic's Mill and from 
thence to within a mile or two of Brunswick was such 
as to disgrace any state or country, and more partic- 
ularly as it is termed a turnpike and obliged to pay 
toll. God preserve me from such a mode of accumu- 
lating wealth!' 

The night was spent at Brunswick. In the morning 
the journey was continued : 

"Was called at 5 o'clock to prepare for the Steam 
Boat to New York, called the ^Raritan'; left the town 
at }/2 past 5 o'clock on a Stage for the boat which lay 
about a mile down the River. At 3^ past 7 o'clock, 
the company on board, we departed for New York a 
distance of 45 miles, and the company on board was 
about fifty. 

"The River Raritan from New Brunswick to New 
York is very serpentine, affording some very fine 
prospects, ..." 

From New York City the journey up the Hudson 
was made on the " Paragon/' on which the fare was 
seven dollars. During the trip Mr. Morrell observed 
with wonder the process of landing and receiving pas- 
sengers at all hours of the night: 

" They attached a line to a small boat about midship 
and when cast off from the Steam Boat, she would 
immediately shear off, and the line is payed out to any 
length they wish, a man being at the helm of the boat 
she would be conducted to any part they wished and 
as soon as the passengers were landed and the others 
taken on board, she would be hauled up to the Steam 
Boat by steam, and all this done without stopping the 
wheels of the Steam Boat." 

268 



WHEN TRAVEL WAS DIFFICULT 

The remainder of the trip was made by stage. Two 
days were spent at Ballston and Saratoga. The first 
stage of the return journey from New York to Philadel- 
phia was made by stage, " a ride of 90 miles in 13 hours." 
The entire trip required twelve days. 

Frankly, how much better off are we who can take 
the journey to New York in two hours, and to Saratoga 
Springs between breakfast and dinner? 




XIII 
THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

The Death of Tea — Homemade Muskets — "Proclaim Liberty" — 
What it Meant to Have an Invader in the City — He Would 
Not Have Penn's Colony as a Free Gift — Inflated Currency 
and High Prices — To Make Lace Out of Cambric — The Begin- 
ning OF the Daybreak — Why Franklin was Needed to "Hoop 
the Barrel" 

|HE years from 1765 to 1783 were the most 
heroic years of Philadelphia's early history. 
Many of the men and women of the generation 
then on the scene had been prepared by their ancestors' 
eighty years of struggle w4th the sternest sort of pioneer 
conditions to face the tormenting difficulties that con- 
fronted them. Already the city had the traditions of 
the stormy Atlantic voyage, of carving out a home in 
the wilderness, of enduring cold and hunger, of fashion- 
ing an enduring government out of nothing, of ex- 
tending a helping hand to cJthers. . Boys and girls 
who had listened to parents and grandparents as they 
told of the deeds that ennobled the past were made 
ready for the time when they, too, would be called 
upon to do, to dare, and to bear for their comitry far 
more than even the most devoted of them could have 
thought beforehand would be either demanded or 
possible. 

There were of course those who were ready to yield 
without a struggle to the requirements of their oppress- 
ors; there are always people of that stamp. There 
were also those whose profound religious conviction 

270 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

was that resistance to oppression is sin; they were 
representatives of that staunch, conservative body 
of Friends who had helped to make Philadelphia what 
it was and who are to-day among the city's most de- 
voted people. But fortunately there were also heroic 
men like Franklin and Morris and Matlack, Ritten- 
house, Muhlenberg, and Rush, as well as loyal women 
like Deborah Franklin and Mrs. Morris, who would 
not yield an inch in their determination to stand back 
of the colonies, and later the states, in the long struggle 
for freedom. 

There were weeks and months and years of utter 
darkness when reason told them that their struggle 
was hopeless. But their hearts told them to press on 
with grim determination even when prospects were 
most gloomy and when a disastrous end seemed certain. 
They were true to the best that was in them, these 
hundreds of men and women who stood by the country 
even when General Washington himself felt compelled 
to say, "I think the game is pretty nearly up." The 
women bade their sons and their husbands godspeed 
as they went to join the army, they economized in 
wonderful ways that there might be supplies for the 
absent, they were proud to wear homespun and home- 
dyed clothing so as to help relieve the destitution 
of the army. The men toiled and planned and suffered, 
persisting in a course that seemed to promise nothing 
but disaster, always hoping against hope that gloom 
would yield to glorious daybreak. 

And they had their reward. They won the freedom 
that has been treasured by those who have followed 
after, and they have transmitted to a later generation 

271 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

the spirit of self-sacrificing determination that nothing 
shall stand in the way of freedom for America and the 
world. 

The Pennsylvania Gazette of October 31, 1765, 
printed, between heavy black rules, an announcement 
that indicated the depth of feeling over the Stamp Act; 
one of the most trying of the long series of oppressive 
measures that stirred the colonies to anger against 
Great Britain: 

" We are sorry to be obliged to acquaint our Readers, 
that as the most Unconstitutional Act that ever 
these Colonies could have imagined, to wit, the Stamp 
Act, is feared to be obligatory upon us, after the First of 
November ensuing (the Fatal To-morrow) the Pub- 
lishers of this Paper, unable to bear the burthen, have 
thought it expedient to stop a While, in order to delib- 
erate, whether any methods can be found to elude the 
Chains forged for them, and escape the insupportable 
Slavery, which, it is hoped, from the just Represen- 
tations now made against the Act, may be effected. 
— Mean while, we most earnestly request every Indi- 
vidual of our Subscribers, many of whom have been 
long behind hand, that they would immediately dis- 
charge their respective Arrears, that we may be able 
not only to support ourselves during the Interval, but 
be better prepared to proceed again with the Paper, 
whenever an opening appears for that Purpose, which 
we hope will be soon." 

No one was so active as was Benjamin Franklin in 
efforts to bring about the repeal of the Stamp Act, yet 
he was compelled to know that he was misunderstood 
and suspected by the patriots of his home city when 
he was doing his best for them. While he was in 
England working day and night in the interest of his 
272 




PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL; 

A V n 

W E !•: K L V AD\ R K T I S L R. 



1 \ !• N< 1 N >■■■- l!' l',.|H 



□ 



lfo„. ...V ■•w.S'; 



better pTruntTcti to pfVi'^ta again *»iUl 



IN MOURNING BECAUSE OF THE STAMP ACT 




^. 



> 




1»v 




SAHAH FRANKLIN" BACHB 




THE LIBEKTY BELL 
'Proclaim Liberty throughout the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof." — 
Leviticus xxv, 10) 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

friends at home, there were hot heads in Philadelphia 
who accused him of being too friendly with England, 
and who even declared at times that they would visit 
their wrath on his wife. A letter written to him by 
Mrs. Franklin on September 22, 1765, told of their 
threatenings: 

"Something has been said relative to raising a mob 
in this place. I was for nine days kept in a continual 
hurry by people to remove, and Sally was persuaded to 
go to Burlington for safety; but on Monday last we 
had very great rejoicings on account of the change of 
the ministry, and a preparation for bonfires at night, 
and several houses threatened to be pulled down. 
Cousin Davenport came and told me that more than 
twenty people had told him it was his duty to be with 
me. I said I was pleased to receive civility from 
anybody, so he staid with me some time; towards 
night I said he should fetch a gun or two, as we had 
none. I sent to ask my brother to come and bring his 
gun also ... I said when I was advised to remove, 
that I was very sure you had done nothing to hurt 
anybody, nor had I given offense to any person at all, 
nor would I be made uneasy by anybody, nor would I 
stir or show the least uneasiness; but if anyone came 
to disturb me I would show a proper resentment. 

" . . . It is Mr. Saml. Smith that is setting the 
people mad by telling them that it w^as you that had 
planned the Stamp Act, and that you are endeavouring 
to get the Test Act brought over here ..." 

A few weeks later the loyal wife sent to Franklin 
the message, "Numbers of your good friends desire 
their love to you, almost all Philadelphia, for it is but 
a very few that don't like you." 

All Philadelphia was aroused. "The subject now 
is the Stamp Act," Sarah Franklin, later Mrs. Bache, 

273 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

wrote . . . "The Dutch talk of the stampt ack, 
the negroes of the tamp; in short, everybody has 
something to say." 

During the height of the excitement Robert Morris 
was one of a committee appointed to learn from the 
shopkeeper who had been asked to sell the stamped 
paper whether he intended to offer it to the citizens. 
After some pressure the man replied that he would 
not do the work until the people asked him to do so. 

The agitation and the excitement lasted many 
months. On October 31, 1765, Jacob Hiltzheimer 
said in his diary, "My newspaper was delivered this 
morning, being the last before the Stamp Act goes into 
force." 

And it was May 20, 1766, before he was able to 
record the repeal, "To-night the citizens in general 
illuminated their houses for the repeal of the Stamp 
Act." 

Opposition to the Stamp Act brought about unity 
of effort and purpose between colonies which had long 
been pulling in different directions. In 1765, New 
York joined Philadelphia in the Non-Inportation 
agreement, which was one of the first of the acts of 
protest against the attitude of the mother country's 
measures of oppression. For five years New York 
and Pennsylvania alike were faithful to the pledge, 
but in July, 1770, there was resentment among the 
merchants of Philadelphia because New York importers 
had written urging Philadelphia to join them in ordering 
goods from London. At a town meeting a letter was 
ordered sent to the New York merchants, expressing 
sorrow that they had taken a measure that could not 

274 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

but be prejudicial to their own liberties as well as the 
liberties of all America. Warning was given : 

"To posterity and to your country you must an- 
swer for the step you have now taken. . . . You 
have certainly wrecked that union of the colonies on 
which their safety depends, and will thereby strengthen 
the hands of our enemies, and encourage them to 
prosecute their designs against our common liberty. 
We cannot forbear telling you, that however you may 
colour your proceedings, we think you have, in the 
day of trial, deserted the cause of liberty and your 
country." 

A third outstanding series of events of the days 
preceding the outbreak of the Revolution had to do 
with the tea ships whose cargoes were looked upon 
as messengers of oppression, because of the tax. In- 
dignation was bitter, and plans were laid to see that no 
tea was unloaded on the docks, and that, if possible, 
no tea ship should be brought by the pilots within the 
Capes or up the Delaware. When, in December, 1773, 
one ship did manage to reach Chester, a meeting was 
held at the State House, and it was agreed that the 
vessel should be required to return forthwith to England. 
And on March 1, 1775, Christopher Marshall referred 
to another incident in the campaign : 

"Early this morning departed these parts, univer- 
sally lamented by the friends of slavery, but to the joy 
and satisfaction of the lover of freedom, that baneful 
and detested weed, East India Tea, whose return is 
never desired or wished for by the true sons of Amer- 
ican liberty." 

The tea tempest was still going on when the First 

Continental Congress met in Carpenter's Hall in Sep- 

275 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

tember, 1774. On tlie second day of the session Jacob 
Ducli6, assistant rector of Christ Church and St. 
Peter's, then looked upon as one of the most ardent 
of the patriots, entered the hall by invitation and read 
the morning service of the Church of England, while 
his clerk read the responses. Later he made an ex- 
temporary prayer, of which John Adams wrote to his 
wife, "Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such 
fervor, such ardor, such earnestness, and pathos, and 
in a language so elegant and sublime." 

This was the first of Duche's many outstanding 
services in the cause of liberty which led to his selection 
as chaplain by the congress of 1776. In this position 
he served with acceptance until October, when he 
resigned, giving the excuse of ill health, though some of 
his friends felt that the real reason was the growing 
influence of Lord Howe. At any rate, when the British 
troops entered Philadelphia in 1777, he prayed for the 
king in Christ Church, in spite of the resolution of the 
vestry, taken when he himself was present, that such 
prayers should be omitted. Unfortunately his faint- 
heartedness went still further. He wrote a letter to 
Washington, urging him to renew his allegiance to 
England. Washington showed his fine spirit when he 
wrote concerning the message to Francis Hopkinson, 
whose sister was Mrs. Duche, "I am still willing to 
suppose that it was rather dictated by his fears than 
by his real sentiments." 

Not long afterward Duch^ went to England, and 
the country never saw him again. 

The intensity of the feeling against England in the 
city was shown in the July following the session of the 
276 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

Congress at which Duch6 made his famous prayer, by 
a letter which Frankhn sent to William Strahan of 
London, whom he had been accustomed to address 
affectionately as "Straney." This famous letter read: 

"Mr. Strahan, 

"You are a member of Parhament, and one of that 
Majority which has doomed my Country to Destruc- 
tion. You have begun to burn our tow^ns, and murder 
our People. Look upon your hands ! They are stained 
wdth the Blood of your Relations. Y'^ou and I were 
long Friends. Y^ou are now my Enemy, and 
I am 

Yours, 

"B. Franklin." 

By this time hundreds of loyal Philadelphians had 
banded together to resist the British forces that must 
inevitably come against them. They were not dis- 
turbed by the thought that their numbers were com- 
paratively few, or that their equipment was woefully 
inadequate. With the same high courage that had 
led their ancestors to leave their comfortable homes 
in England to brave the unknown perils of the new 
land, they quickly decided to be ready for any emer- 
gency. The spirit that animated them is illustrated 
by the experience of David Claypoole, descendant of 
John Claypoole, emigrant of 1683, and brother of the 
third husband of Betsy Ross, who is said to have made 
the first American flag at her house in Arch Street. 
He wrote m 1826: 

"An elder Brother and myself, then 19 years old. 
Converted our fowling Pieces into Muskets, by the 
addition of bayonets and iron ram-rods; and providing 
ourselves with the necessary accoutrements, &c, at our 

277 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

own expence, — were amongst the first to enrol ourselves 
as Privates in Captain [afterwards General] Mifflin's 
Company of Infantry in the city of Philadelphia." 

Now that war seemed inevitable. Congress turned 
to another of the Philadelphians on whom that body 
never called in vain, Robert Morris. He was asked 
to suggest methods of procuring money for war pur- 
poses. This was the beginning of the task that occupied 
him to the close of the war. Neglecting his own busi- 
ness he devoted himself to the country, advancing 
funds of his own, securing loans, responding to the 
clamorous calls of General Washington, to whom the 
state refused to send the sums for which they were 
asked. All this he did though Congress had persisted 
in taking a step that he thought was not the wisest 
possible. But he was ready to serve his country, and 
the reason he gave -himself : 

" I think the individual who declines the service of 
his country because its Councils are not conformable to 
his ideas, makes but a bad subject; a good man can 
follow, if he cannot lead." 

There were many who, like Robert Morris, did not 
vote for the Declaration of Independence, but who, 
like him, signed the document when it was passed 
against their better judgment. 

The adoption of the Declaration at a time when 
everything looked favorable to the Colonies would have 
been a brave deed. But it must always be remembered, 
to the eternal honor of the heroic signers, that the 
stand was taken when disaster after disaster had over- 
taken the arms of the Colonists. Abraham Clark, 
a member of Congress, realized the force of this fact 

278 




THE DESK OF THE DECLARATION, IX INDEPENDENCE HALL 







a a 

Z; »^ 
ca 

o § 
o.S 

ffi'O 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

when he said, in a letter written on July 4, 1776, "In 
times of danger and under misfortune true Courage 
and Magnanimity can only be ascertained." 

Four days after the signing of the Declaration on 
August 2, 1776, ;Mr. Clark wrote another letter which 
showed his devotion: 

"As to my title, I know not yet whether it will be 
honourable or dishonourable; the issue of the war 
must settle it. Perhaps our Congress will be exalted 
on a high gallows. We were truly brought to the case 
of the three lepers; if we continued in the state we 
were in, it was evident we must perish; if we declared 
Independence we might be saved — we could but 
perish . . . Nothing short of the power of God can 
save us. ... I think an intei-posing Providence 
hath been evident in all the events that necessarily led 
us to what we are . . . independent states." 

John Adams was another of that little body of brave 
men who made Independence Hall and Philadelphia 
famous by their stand for the Declaration. To his 
wife he told of his feelings : 

"The second day of July, 1776, will be the most 
memorable epocha in the history of America. I am 
apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding 
generations as the great anniversary Festival. It 
ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance by 
solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought 
to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, 
games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, 
from one end of this continent to the other, from this 
time forward, forevermore. 

" . . .1 am well aware of the toil, and blood, and 
treasure it will cost to maintain this Declaration 
and support and defend these States. Yet, through 
all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing light and 

279 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all 
the means. And that posterity will triumph in that 
day's transaction, even although we should rue it, 
which I trust in God we shall not." 

William Ellery, one of the heroes of that day, 
showed his realization of the seriousness of the step 
taken when he wrote to his brother that it was "One 
Thing for Colonies to declare themselves independent, 
and another to establish themselves in Independency." 

With what joy loyal residents of Philadelphia 
heard the pealing of the State House bell as it sent out 
the tidings that the Declaration was a fact. This bell 
bore the prophetic inscription, written in 1751 by 
Isaac Norris speaker of the Assembly, when he ordered 
it from England : 

"Proclaim Liberty throughout the land, unto all 
the inhabitants thereof. Levit. xxv. 10" 

The man who ordered the bell did not live to see 
his unconscious prophecy fulfilled; he died ten years 
before the glorious day. 

More than a year passed before the average resident 
of Philadelphia realized the seriousness of the step 
taken by Congress, for the theater of war was in other 
sections of the country. There were so many disasters 
elsewhere that Thomas Paine spoke the famous words : 
"These are the times that try men's souls." 

When, later in 1776, the near approach of the enemy 
to the city caused a panic not only among the people 
but in Congress — which voted to adjourn to Baltimore 
— there were those who tried to say, "Steady!" John 

Adams was not ready to yield to panic; he pleaded, 

280 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

"Let America exert lier own strength, let her depend 
on God's blessing." 

Many of the people fled to the country. Society 
was disorganized. One woman who is known only by 
the initials "H. T." told of her experiences at the time: 

"Where shall we go; how shall we ever get out of 
town? was the universal cry. Carriages of every 
description were few, and all were anxiously sought 
. . . Wealthy residents kept a one-horse chaise, but 
what was this to the conveyance of a whole household? 
A coach was here and there kept by the high order, but 
these were not in requisition; they belonged chiefly to 
the officers of the royal government who, fearing no 
violence from their brethren had determined to abide 
the result. 

"But grear was the scramble among the scanty 
state of means. Happy was he, who could procure a 
market wagon, or a milk cart, to bear off his little 
ones; my family, together with that of a friend . . . 
were stowed, women, children and servants . . . 
more than a score, into a small river craft called a 
wood-flat, whose smoky cabin did not permit the 
ladies with infants in their arms, to sit quite upright. 
The smoke, however, was intolerable, and we girls, 
whose young hearts shrank from no inconvenience or 
danger, made our beds with blankets upon the deck; 
from this enviable station we were driven by a heavy 
fall of snow, into the hold of the boat, where we slept 
soundly on the few tables and chairs which our hurry 
had enabled us to carry with us. Innumerable were 
the hardships, and much would you wonder, could I 
tell you what the scattered Philadelphians endured 
at this trying season; thankful if they could find a 
hut or a barn in any region of security. Sometimes, 
those who had never spoken together in the city would 
meet in their wanderings, and then all distinctions of rank 
were forgotten, and they were a band of brothers ..." 

281 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Of course there were those who were too patriotic 
to leave the city. They were on hand to heed the call 
of the Council of Safety made on December 2, 1776, 
that "the shops be shut up, that the schools be broken 
up, and the Inhabitants engaged solely in providing 
for the defenceof the City,at this timeof extraDanger." 

Fortunately Washington was able to drive back 
across New Jersey the British whose approach had put 
the city in a panic. His operations, however, would 
have been impossible if Robert Morris had not re- 
sponded to his frantic appeal for money by sending 
fifty thousand dollars of his own funds. 

The first anniversary of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was one of the notable days in Philadelphia 
during the Revolution. Thanksgiving for the freedom 
of the city from invasion found expression in a great 
festival. George Bryan, member of Congress, gave 
another reason for the extent of the celebration as en- 
couraged by the authorities. In a letter to his wife — 
whom by the way, he called his "lover, partner and 
friend" — he said, "We were willing to give the idea 
of rejoicing full swing; the spirits of the Whigs must 
be kept up." Congress adjourned in order to dine 
together at the City Tavern. The armed vessels and 
guard boats on the Delaware were dressed in the colors 
of all nations, and in the afternoon the crews manned 
the rigging, and many salutes of thirteen guns were 
fired. The wharves were lined by great crowds of 
shouting people. A military parade followed. In the 
evening the windows of most of the houses were il- 
luminated with candles, though, as John Adams re- 
marked, a "few surly houses were dark." The almost 

282 




LOOKING TOWARD THE LIBERTY BELL, INDEPENDENCE HALL 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

continual ringing of the bells, bonfires and fireworks, 
were other features of a celebration that led Adams to 
say, "Had General Howe been here in disguise, or his 
Master, this show would havegiventhemtheheartache." 

Not many days passed, however, before General 
Howe was heard from in such a way that the Tories 
took heart and the Whigs began to tremble for the 
safety of the city. The British commander had sailed 
from Sandy Hook and an invasion was feared. Anxiety 
increased when word came that the army had been 
landed at Head of Elk, not one hundred miles from 
the city. 

September 10 brought an urgent appeal from the 
Supreme Executive Council, signed by President 
Thomas Wharton, Jr., and Timothy Matlack, sec- 
retary, in which all persons were told of the necessity 
of exerting themselves to crush the foe, "now in the 
bowels of our Country." By the help of heaven, the 
proclamation said further, it was hoped that the in- 
sulting foe would be cut off from all means of escape. 

Reluctantly the Council, whose secretary was one 
of the "Fighting Quakers" who were among the 
country's stoutest defenders, took other measures 
that they had considered before but had postponed. 
There were many residents in the city v/ho were luke- 
warm in their devotion to the cause of liberty, and it 
was feared that they might give aid and comfort to the 
enemy. David Rittenhouse was asked to make out a list 
of these. Of the forty whose names appeared in the list, 
some were warned not to communicate with the enemy, 
and not to go far from their homes. About twenty-seven 
were sent to the Masonic Lodge for safekeeping. 

283 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

From this place of confinement the prisoners, most 
of whom were Friends, wrote a protest against their 
detention as "illegal, unjust, arbitrary and contrary 
to the rights of mankind." At the same time they 
applied for a writ of habeas corpus. The writ was 
granted when the party was on the way to Virginia, 
under guard, but, by authority of the Assembly, the 
writ was disregarded, and the journey to Virginia was 
resumed, though the prisoners had been informed 
that they could have their liberty if they would take 
the oath of allegiance and make certain promises. 

In the diary of Robert Morton, a sixteen-year-old 
Friend, was recorded a lament that shows the intensity 
of feeling at this deportation that the Council deemed 
necessary : 

"0 Philada. my Native City, thou that hast here- 
tofore been so remarkable for the preservation of thy 
Rights, now sufferest those who were the Guardians, 
Protectors, and Defenders of thy Youth and who con- 
tributed their share in raising thee to thy present state 
of Grandeur and magnificence with a rapidity not to be 
parallelled in the World, to be dragged by a licentious 
mob from their near and dear connections, and by the 
hands of lawless power, banished from the country 
unheard, perhaps nevermore to return, for the sole 
suspicion of being enemies of that cause in which thou 
art now engaged . . . Alas, the day must come when 
the Avenger's hand shall make thee suffer for thy guilt, 
and thy rulers shall defer thy fate." 

The attitude of many of those who remained in the 
city may be seen from the entry in Morton's diary 
on September 26, 1777: 

"Lord Comwallls . . . marched into this city 
... to the great relief of the inhabitants who have 
284 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

too long suffered the yoke of arbitrary Power; and 
who testified their approbation of the arrival of the 
troops by the loudest acclamations of joy." 

On the same day Elizabeth Drinker wrote in her 
journal : 

"Well! here are ye English in earnest; about 2 or 
3000 came in through Second street, without opposi- 
tion or interruption — no plundering on ye one side or 
ye other. What a satisfaction would it be to our dear 
absent friends could they but be be informed of it; 
our end of ye Town has appeared the greater part of 
this day like ye first day of ye week." 

It is interesting to trace the change in the sentiments 
of thosfe who looked so complacently on the coming 
of the invaders. To their surprise and indignation 
they soon found that the presence of the soldiers in 
the city did not mean comforts for them, with entire 
freedom from all annoyance. There was quartering 
in the house and the seizure of property, and there was 
interference with the customary manner of life that is 
almost inevitable where an invader has possession, 
no matter how careful the oflScers may be to keep 
discomforts at a minimum. 

On December 15, Mrs. Drinker began to open her 
eyes to the bitter truth. "Ye oflScers and soldiers 
are quartering themselves upon ye Families generally," 
she wrote. "One with his Family is to be fixt at J. 
Howells. I am in daily expectation of their calling 
upon us. They were much frightened last night at 
Isaac Catheralls by a soldier who came into ye House, 
drew his Bayonet on Isaac, and behaved very dis- 
orderly." On December 19 a major came to her, 

285 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

suggesting that he would like to stay at her house. She 
told him that she and her sister, being lone women, 
expected to be excused. He said he feared not; that he 
thought it would be well for her to take him in, since he 
was conscious that he had some of the qualities that 
would make him suitable. "I am straitened how to 
act, and yet determined," she wrote, after his departure. 
"I may be troubled with others much worse . . . 
but while I can keep clear of them, I intend to so do. 
They have markd ye doors of Houses against their 
consent, and some of ye inhabitants have looked out 
for officers of reputation (if any such there be), to 
come into their Families, by way of protection, and 
to keep off others." 

The English sympathizers had further reasons for 
apprehension. She told how Owen Jones's family had 
been ill-used, by an officer who wanted to quarter 
himself, with many others, upon them. "He drew 
his sword, used every abusive language, and had ye 
Front door split in pieces." Another neighbor com- 
plained that she was no longer allowed to use her own 
front door; the soldiers made her and her family use 
the alley. 

Mrs. Drinker managed to hold out until December 
30, when the officer came to the house, brmging with 
him a servant, two horses and two cows.. 

Phoebe Pemberton, who lived at The Plantation, 
on the Schuylkill, on the present site of the United 
States Naval Hospital, tried to curry favor with the 
officers so as to be sure of protection from the men, 
but in November, 1777, she felt obliged to write to 
Lord Howe: 
286 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

"... Being possessed of two small farms, near 
the city, on one of which there is a small piece of wood, 
Intended for Firing for myself and children, with a few 
of the Inhabitants, some of whom are not able to pay 
for it, but have constantly partook of My beloved 
Husband's bounty, by supplying them in the Winter 
season with a small quantity, which I shall be rendered 
incapable of doing, as the soldiers are taking away and 
say they did by permission of the General's secretary. 
The Tenants of these places have informed me that 
they must be obliged to leave their Habitations, being 
stript of their Hay, Vegetables, &c, on which they de- 
pended for a Living." 

In the spring of 1778 there was rivalry among some 
of the officers as to who should occupy The Plantation 
as his summer residence. Finally Mrs. Pemberton was 
constrained to promise it to one of them. But when 
summer came, he and the entire army, were far away. 

Philadelphia was not much more popular with some 
of the British officers than the invading force was with 
the people. One of them wrote, on January 18, 1778: 

"If the Honourable Count Penn should surrender 
to me the whole country for my patent, on condition 
that I should live here during my life, I would scarcely 
accept it. And this is the promised land, the land 
flowing with milk and honey, which so many before us 
have praised." 

WTiile the British were living so comfortably in 
Philadelphia the Continental troops were freezing 
and starving at Valley Forge, a day's march from the 
city. The heroism displayed by Washington and his 
men during that memorable winter is one of the most 
glorious things in our history. The efforts to secure 
supplies to them did not meet with much success, though 

287 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

there were many patriots who were glad to make the 
greatest sacrifices in their behalf. In these days when 
the cause of liberty was in temporary shadow, there 
were women who devoted care and thought to the needs 
of the soldiers. A paper has been preserved, prepared 
by one who is known simply as*' An American Mother.'* 
She wrote her *'Idea as to Forwarding Presents of the 
American Women." Evidently, however, the message 
was prepared at a more favorable time than when an 
enemy was at the threshold, for she began : 

"If we enjoy any tranquillity, it is the fruit of your 
watchings, your labours, your dangers. If I live happy 
in the midst of my family; if my husband cultivates 
his field, and reaps the harvest in peace; if, surrounded 
with my children, I myself nourish the youngest, and 
press it to my bosom, without being afraid of seeing 
myself separated from it, by a ferocious enemy; if the 
house in which we dwell ... is safe at the present 
time from the hands of these incendiaries, it is to you 
that we owe it. And shall we hesitate to evidence to you 
our gratitude? Shall we hesitate to wear a cloath- 
ing more simple; hair dressed less elegant, while at the 
price of this small privation, we shall deserve your 
benedictions. ' Who, amongst us, will not renounce 
with the highest pleasure, those vain ornaments, when 
she shall consider that the valiant defenders of America 
will be able to- draw some advantage from the money 
which she may have laid out in these, that they will be 
better defended from the rigours of the seasons. . . . 
The time is arrived to display the same sentiments 
which animated us at the beginning of the Revolution, 
when we renounced the use of teas . . . rather than 
receive them from our persecutors . . . when our 
republican and laborious hands spun the flax, prepared 
the linen, intended for the use of our soldiers. ..." 
288 




^The PUnLaliun". Pem.berl.on.5'. 



^ tXjs or <-K^ N"a>^^LA syJi 




TICKET KUK THE MKSCHlANiA 

(From tlie original in the Library Company of Fhilailelpliia) 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

Having said these things, which sound much as if 
they came from the patriotic heart of a woman of to- 
day, she outHned her plan for securing and sending 
money to the camp, which should be used for the 
purpose of adding extras to the necessary supplies 
the government was supposed to furnish. 

At the very time when, at Valley Forge, there was 
ii ense suffering among the American soldiers, the 
invaders were drawing on Philadelphia for supplies to 
make a success of the great festival, the Meschianza, 
in honor of the departure for England of General 
Howe and some of his associate officers. It has been 
said that this was the ''most elaborate celebration ever 
held in America up to that time," May 18, 1778. Major 
Andr6 was one of the two men in charge of the wonder- 
ful decorations. 

Elizabeth Drinker's account is more satisfactory 
than the elaborate record of Major Andr4: 

"This day may be remembered by many from ye 
scene of Folly and Vanity ... Ye parade of Coaches 
and other Carriages, with many Horsemen, thro' the 
Streets, towards ye Northern Liberties; where great 
numbers of ye Officers and some women, embarked in 
three Galleys and a number of boats, and passed down 
ye River, before ye city, with Colors displayed, and a 
large Band of Music, and ye ships in ye Harbor deco- 
rated with Colors, which were saluted by ye Cannon of 
some of them. It is said they landed in Southwark, 
and proceeded from ye waterside to Joseph Wharton's 
late dwelling, which had been decorated and fitted up 
for this occasion in an expensive way, for this Company, 
to Feast, Dance and Revel in. On ye River Sky- 
Rockets and other Fire-Works were exhibited after 
night. 

289 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

"How insensible do these people appear, while our 
Land is so greatly desolated, and death and sore de- 
struction has overtaken, and now impends over so 
many!" 

It has been said that Margaret Shippen and her 
sister danced at the ball which lasted until four o'clock 
in the morning. But this has been denied. Their 
father, Edward Shippen, refused to allow them to be 
present, not for patriotic reasons, but because of the 
immodesty of the costumes which Major Andr^ had 
planned for them. 

A month after the Meschianza, the British de- 
parted as swiftly as they had come. "Last night it 
was said there were 9000 of ye British Troops left in 
Town; 11,000 in ye Jerseys," Elizabeth Drinker's com- 
ment began. "This morning when we arose there was 
not one Red-Coat to be seen in Town, and ye encamp- 
ment in the Jerseys also vanished. Col. Gordon and 
some others had not been gone a quarter of an hour 
before ye American Light Horse entered ye city — not 
many of them, but they were in and out all day." 

July 4, the second anniversary of Independence, 
was so close that an early outlet was given to the people 
for their joy. Most of the city joined in the celebration, 
though there were many who were not so glad. Eliza- 
beth Drinker, one of them wrote: "A great fuss this 
evening . . . firing of Guns, Sky-Rockets, &c. 
Candles were too scarce and dear to have an illumi- 
nation, which perhaps saved some of our windows." 

General Benedict Arnold, who was placed in charge 
of the troops in the city immediately on the American 
re-occupation, took advantage of the opportunity 
290 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

thus presented to press his courtship of Margaret 
Shippen with great ardor. The extravagence of the 
establishment he maintained at this time was one of 
Edward Shippen's reasons for looking with disfavor 
on him as a son-in-law. 

A glance at Arnold's household accounts for 1778- 
1779 shows that Mr. Shippen's fears were not without 
cause. Here are a few items : 

Steward's bill £ 114.11. 7 

Ham 41 

Cheese 4. 9. 4 

2 Pipes Wine 1000. 

20 Loaves Sugar 274. 

26 lb. Green Tea 195. 

Table Furniture 160.12.0 

Almonds & Raisins 14. 5. 

Market expenses, July to February 20.. . . 1363.10.10 

Prices were already becoming so high that there 
was no room for extravagence. The city was flooded 
with Continental currency, and the evils which Robert 
Morris had predicted when he opposed the first issue 
were becoming apparent. On March 1, 1778, one dollar 
"hard money" brought $1.75 in bills; on September 1, 
1778, the ratio was 1 to 4; on March 1, 1779, 1 to 10; 
September 1, 1779, 1 to 18; March 18, 1780, 1 to 40; 
December 1, 1780, 1 to 100; May 1, 1781, 1 to from 
200 to 500. No wonder Samuel Adams paid five hun- 
dred dollars for a hat, that shoes cost one hundred and 
twenty-five dollars a pair, that even a fish-hook cost 
half a dollar, and that William Ellery, member of 
Congress, during the winter of 1779 and 1780, paid for 
board to Mrs. Miller on Arch Street, between Fourth 

291 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

and Fifth streets, $300 per week for himself and his 
servant, an amount which became much greater in the 
spring of 1780. 

Edward Shippen seriously considered removing to 
Lancaster because, while "the common articles of life, 
such as are absolutely necessary for a family," were 
not much higher in Philadelphia than in Lancaster, 
the style of life his fashionable daughters had intro- 
duced, and their dress, threatened to bankrupt him. 
"The expense of supporting my family now will not 
fall short of four or five thousand pounds per annum, 
an expense insupportable without income," he wrote. 
But he was able to revise his plan, for his generous 
fellow citizens, who recognized real worth in spite of 
the failure to be entirely loyal to the cause of liberty, 
asked him to take a judicial office which afterwards 
opened the way for an associate Justiceship^ of the 
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. 

A vain attempt to limit prices was proposed. A 
committee of merchants was to fix the cost of the 
necessaries of life. These prices were to be reduced 
every few weeks until they were low enough. On May 
25, 1779, a town meeting was held to take the vote 
of the people as to the plan. This was held in the 
State House Yard, amid great excitement. There 
were those who thought the attempt would succeed, 
and there were many more who scoffed at it. Among 
the hopeful ones were the "many families . . . 
without bread" of whom Mrs. Franklin wrote to her 
husband. One of the doubters, Joseph Stansbury, 
wrote some satirical verse about the meeting of which 
stanzas were: 
292 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

"And now the State House yard was full 
And orators so fierce, so dull. 

Appeared upon the Stage, 
But all was riot, noise, disgrace. 
And freedom's sons through all the place 

In bloody frays engage. 

"Sagacious Matlack strove in vain 
To pour his sense in Dutchman's brain 

With every art to please 
Observed, "that as the Money fell 
Like Lucifer, to Coward Hell 

Tho' swift, yet by degrees 
So should it rise, and goods should fall. 
Month after month, and one and all 

Would be as cheap as ever." 

A committee was appointed to carry out the pur- 
pose of the meeting, but it is unnecessary to say that 
they did not succeed; this was not the way to attack 
the problem. Eighteen months later, however, they 
were still persisting in their vain plan. INIrs. Drinker 
told, on November 23, 1780, of a meeting of merchants, 
which "came to a resolve that the Continental money 
(which now passed at upwards of 100 for one) should 
pass at 75, and that debts &c should be paid at that 
rate." They "appointed men to go round the city 
to y^ Inhabitants with a paper to sign, to y^ above 
effect — those who refuse are to be held up to y® Popu- 
lace as enemies to the country." 

The wiser method of attacking the high cost of 
living, economy and abstinence, was emphasized by 
Benjamin Franklin in letters to his daughter, Sarah. 

On January 17, 1779, Sarah wrote to her father in 
France, telling him of her desire to return to the Min- 

293 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

ister [slie did not say of wliat country] eight yards of 
flannel which he had given her. She suggested further 
that she would have great pleasure in wearing anything 
her father chose to send her, and in bragging to others 
of her father's taste. Then she told of various social 
affairs which she had been attending. 

In his reply, dated in June, the father gently re- 
buked her for what he felt was lack of patriotism, in 
sending for "long black pins and lace and feathers." 

"This disgusted me as much as if you had put salt 
on my strawberries . . . The spinning, I see, is laid 
aside, and you are to be dressed for the ball ; you seem 
not to know, my dear daughter, that of all the dear 
things in the world idleness is the dearest, except 
mischief . . . When I began to read your account 
of the high prices of goods ... I expected you 
would conclude with telling me, that everybody as 
well as yourself was grown frugal and industrious; and 
I could scarce believe my eyes, in reading forward, 
that there never was so much pleasure and dressing 
going on; and that you yourself wanted black pins 
and feathers from France, to appear, I suppose, in 
the mode! This leads me to imagine, that perhaps it 
is not so much that the goods are grown dear as that 
the money is grown cheap, as everything else will do 
when excessively plenty . . . 

"The war, indeed, may in some degree raise the 
price of goods, and the high taxes which are necessary 
to support the war may make our frugality necessary 
and, as I am always preaching that doctrine, I cannot, 
in conscience or in decency encourage the contrary by 
my example, in furnishing my children with foolish 
modes and luxuries. I, therefore, send all the articles 
you desire that are useful and necessary, and omit the 
rest; for, as you say, you should 'have great pride in 

294 




GEORGE WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FOUGE 
(From the painting by James Peale, in Independence Hall) 




THE DECLARATION OF INDEl'E.N DENC'E INK.STAND 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

wearing anything I send, and showing it as your father's 
taste!' I must avoid giving you an opportunity of 
doing that with either lace or feathers. If you wear 
your cambric ruffles as I do, and take care not to mend 
the holes, they will come in time to be lace; and feathers 
my dear girl, they may be had in America from every 
cock's tail." 

The man who perhaps was most responsible for the 
growing love of luxury in Philadelphia led Margaret 
Shippen to the altar on April 8, 1779. Her dream 
of happiness did not continue long, for less than eigh- 
teen months passed before his messenger. Major Andr4, 
was caught in the attempt to carry to the British the 
plans of West Point, of which at the time Arnold was 
commander. Philadelphia's opinion of the traitor 
was shown in a parade on September 30. Of this Mrs. 
Drinker gave spirited account: 

"On the seventh day last . . ; was exhibited 
and paraded through the streets of this City a ridic- 
ulous figure of Gen^ Arnold, with two faces, and the 
Devil standing behind him pushing him with a pitchfork 
At y® front of y® cart was a large Lanthorn of green 
paper, with a number of inscriptions setting forth his 
crime . . . Several hundred men and boys with can- 
dles in their hands — ^All in ranks; many Officers, y' 
Infantry, men with Guns and Bayonets, Tag, Rag, &c, 
somewhere near y® Coffee House They burnt y* 
Effigy . . ." 

Mrs. Arnold was allowed to return to the city for 
a time, but at the request of the Council she left soon 
afterward, and went with her husband to England. 

The preservation of the city from the results of 
Arnold's treason must have been in the Council's 
mind when they called on the people to observe Thurs- 

295 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

day, December 7, 1780, as a day of thanksgiving. 
On that day they asked that prayer be offered to God 
"to lead our forces by land and sea to victory, to take 
our illustrious ally under his special protection, and 
favour our joint councils and exertions for the estab- 
lishment of speedy and enduring peace." 

At that time the darkness was being dispelled and 
the heroic men and women of the city who had remained 
steadfast to the country through failure as well as 
through success, rejoiced in the prospect of an early 
peace. On October 22, 1781, the prospect seemed 
quite rosy, for on that day an express brought the 
tidings of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. But 
during the fifteen months that elapsed before the tidings 
came that the preliminary treaty had been signed 
there was much call for patient endurance. Finally, 
on February 13, 1783, a broadside was distributed 
through the city with the glad announcement : 

"By a gentleman just arrived in the city from New 
Jersey, we have received his Britannic Majesty's 
Speech to Both Houses of Parliament." 

In this speech, which had been brought by the Brig- 
antine Peggy in nineteen days from Tortola, the King 
had made the statement: 

"I did not hesitate to go the full length of the power 
vested in me, and offered to declare them [the American 
Colonies] free and independent states." 

The joy in Philadelphia was unconfined. Bells 
rang, boys shouted, people in the streets greeted one 
another with a hearty handclasp and with shining eyes, 
and women who had sacrificed more than could be 
measured for their country met over their tea cups 
to discuss the glad news which meant that to so many 
296 



THE CITY OF THE DECLARATION 

of the homes of the city fathers and sons would soon 
come once more. And those who could not look for- 
ward to the return of loved ones whom they had sent 
to suffer with Washington rejoiced also — they were 
glad that their sacrifice had not been made in vain. 

Later came the word telling of the King's Procla- 
mation, dated February 14, 1783, in which was ordered 
the cessation of hostilities. This was printed in London 
by the very William Strahan to whom, in 1775 Franklin 
had sent the famous *' I am yours " letter. 

What a Fourth of July they had in 1783! Jacob 
Hiltzheimer told of one of the events of the day : 

"In the afternoon a triumphal car . . . attended 
by a number of boys and girls dressed in white, was 
paraded through the streets of the city, this being the 
memorable day independence was declared." 

Less than two months after this historic celebration, 
on September 3, 1783, the definitive treaty of peace 
was signed, and as soon as Philadelphians heard of 
this they breathed a sigh of glad relief. On receipt 
of the news Mrs. Bache wrote to her father : 

"Most earnestly have I wished for the definitive 
treaty to arrive, and Congress to find a meeting place, 
that they might then have time to recall you . . . 
The treaty, I am told, is come, but where Congress will 
settle, no one can say . . . Your old friend, General 
Gates, told me they were all splitting and separating, 
that no man in the world could hoop the barrel but you, 
and that you were much wanted here." 

For more than two years Congress, which was acting 
imder . the loosely drawn Articles of Confederation, 
a temporary document which had not been ratified 

297 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

by ten states until July, 1778, had been a wandering 
body. It could not compel the states to obey its will, 
and could not even force the attendance of its own 
members. Frequently no more than twenty of them 
were present. The body was losing the respect of the 
mass of the people. 

But there were still patriots in Philadelphia who 
were sure that the day of better things would dawn, 
and they were waiting for the opportunity to show 
their loyalty by helping to usher in America's brighter 
day. 



XIV 
UNTIL THE CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

A Tremendous Social Strain — A Spectacular Fourth of July— Woes 
AT Bush Hill — Martha Washington's "Chicken Frtkecy" — 
Pumps and Open Hydrants — The First Balloon Ascension — 
Washington Out and Adams in — Washington at Last Finds Rest 
— A New Century, A New Capital, and Renewed Youth for 
Philadelphia 

THE story of Philadelphia during the last dec- 
ade and a half of the eighteenth century is 
bound up with the story of George Washington. 
In 1783 he said farewell to the city with which he had 
been so closely associated during much of the period 
of the Revolutionary War, and he thought it was a 
final farewell. On December 15, the day of the Gen- 
eral's departure for his home at Mt. Vernon, Jacob 
Hiltzheimer wrote in his diary: 

"I . . . sincerely congratulate him on the noble 
resolution he has made, not to accept public office 
hereafter, but to pass the remainder of his days in 
private. This is undoubtedly the surest way to preserve 
the honors he so justly acquired during the late war." 

For a brief period Washington was permitted to 
remain on his estate. During this time Congress was 
in session first at Annapolis, Maryland, then at Trenton, 
New Jersey, then at New York City. Pennsylvania's 
executive authority was still in the Supreme Executive 
Council of which Benjamin Franklin was president 
from 1785 to 1787. But both Franklin and Washington 

299 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

were required in 1787 for the sessions of the convention 
called to form a constitution for the United States, 
which was to replace the loosely drawn Articles of 
Confederation in force since 1781. On September 
13 of that year Washington reached Gray's Ferry in 
his chaise. There he was met by a Troop of the City 
Light Horse and a large crowd of people, who led him 
into the city. At once he sought quarters in the 
boarding house kept by Mrs. Mary House at Fifth 
and Market Streets, but he was not permitted to re- 
main there more than a few minutes, for Mr. and Mrs. 
Robert Morris called and insisted on his going to their 
house on High Street, east of Sixth Street. From here, 
during more than four months, he made almost daily 
journeys to the State House, where he sought "the 
consolidation of our Union." 

To the arduous political labors of that long summer 
he was obliged to add about one hundred and twenty 
social engagements. Almost every day he went out 
to dinner or tea, or both. Twice during the summer 
he had the relief of going fishing, once near Valley 
Forge and once at Trenton. The brief records of his 
journeys to the homes of friends who were proud to 
honor him are contained in a small memorandum book 
of seventy-eight pages, of which thirty-five are devoted 
to the months in Philadelphia. ^ 

Twelve days passed before there was a quorum of 
the delegates. Then, on motion of Robert Morris, 
Washington was made president of the body. Franklin 
was a regular attendant. "I attended the Business 

^This book is in the Library of Congress at Washington. 
300 



o 

-"' o 

=■2 



•a "^ 

£.0 




UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

of it five Hours every Day from the Beginning," he 
wrote to his sister. 

During the weeks of that summer there was great 
interest on the part of Philadelphia in the momentous 
work going on in the State House, and there was great 
rejoicing on September 17 when the body completed 
its labors, labors of which Samuel W. Pennypacker 
said, in his Washington's Birthday address in 1902; 

"From that box, drawn, as it were, by unwitting 
fishermen out of the sea of uncertainties and perplex- 
ities, came forth a genie whose stride is from ocean to 
ocean; whose locks, shaken upon one side by Eurus, 
on the other by Zephyr, darken the skies; and whose 
voice is heard in far Cathay and beyond Ultima Thule." 

The completion of the constitution and its adoption 
by ten of the United States was celebrated on July 4, 
1788, by what The American Museum called "a great 
federal procession." And it was a great affair, far 
surpassing in extent and magnificence anything of 
the kind the city had known. 

The dawn of the day was greeted by "a full peal 
from Christ Church steeple, and a discharge of cannon 
from the ship Rising Sun, which was anchored off 
Market Street." "Ten vessels, in honor of the ten 
states of the Union, were dressed and arranged thro' 
the whole length of the harbor," the contemporary 
account continued. Each ship flew at the masthead a 
white flag on which was emblazoned the name of the 
state represented by that ship. 

But the great procession was the event of the day. 
This was made up of eighty-eight distinct parts or 
floats. First came twelve axe-men dressed in white 

301 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

frocks, with black girdles. Then there were, at inter- 
vals, companies of the City Troop, horsemen who bore 
banners with the dates of the original Independence 
Day, of the coming of the French allies, of the defini- 
tive treaty of peace with Great Britain, and of the com- 
pletion of the Constitution. Richard Bache, on horse- 
back, attended by a herald, proclaimed the new era. 
The Constitution was represented by Chief Justice 
McKean, and his associates, in their robes of office, 
who rode in a car in the form of an eagle, drawn by 
six horses. The citizens represented the ratifying 
states. Other United States and city officers followed. 
A citizen and an Indian chief were seated in a carriage, 
smoking the calumet of peace together. The new 
federal edifice was represented by a float drawn by 
ten white horses, on which was a structure supported 
by thirteen Corinthian columns, the frieze being decora- 
ted with thirteen stars; ten of the columns were com- 
plete, while three were imperfect. The Federal ship 
Union, mounting twenty guns, thirty-three feet long, 
was built up from the barge which formerly belonged 
to Serapis the ship which was defeated by the Bon 
Homme Richard under Captain John Paul Jones. 
Foreign diplomats and representatives of the trades 
and professions completed the spectacular pageant. 

Immediately after the close of the Constitutional 
Convention which this pageant celebrated, Washington 
left Philadelphia for the South, again hoping to enjoy 
the freedom of the life on his lands on the banks of 
the Potomac. But the country called him to be the 
first President under the Constitution which he had 
helped to formulate, and so, early in 1789, he passed 

302 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

once again through the city by the Delaware. His 
friends there were reluctant to see him go to New York, 
which was to be the capital for a year; Robert Morris 
and Benjamin Franklin, John Penn and General 
Mifflin, Benjamin Chew and John Ross, Thomas 
Willing and William Brigham, and scores of others were 
eager to renew the round of dinners that had made the 
convention months such a notable time in the city's 
social history. 

Less than three months later Mrs. Washington, 
or Lady Washington, as many persisted in calling 
her, followed her husband to New York. On Friday, 
May 22, the two troops of Light Horse, accompanied 
by the Governor of the State, the Speaker of the As- 
sembly, and many others went to a point near Darby 
to meet her. Mrs. Robert Morris with a company' of 
ladies in carriages joined the escort there. When Mrs. 
Washington arrived all went to Gray's Garden for 
luncheon. In the party were Governor Thomas Mifflin, 
Judge Richard Peters, Temple Franklin, Benjamin 
Chew, Jr., Robert Morris, Jr., William Morris, Richard 
Bache, John Ross, Robert Hare, George Harrison, 
Samuel Meredith, Captain Miles, thirty-nine "gen- 
tlemen troopers," a number of Continental officers, 
as well as twenty ladies. The bill of expenses for the 
luncheon shows that that company consumed ten 
bottles of Madeira wine, one bottle of champagne, two 
bottles of claret, forty-five bowls of punch, ten bottles 
of American porter, one bottle of ale, and two bottles 
of crab cider. 

WTien the company reached High Street, Mrs. 
Washington was greeted by the ringing of bells, the 

303 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

discharge of thirteen guns, and the shouts of great 
crowds of people. 

Mrs. Washington remained in Philadelphia over 
Sunday. Then, accompanied by Mrs. Morris, she 
proceeded to New York. There, on May 29, at the 
opening levee, Mrs. Morris occupied first place on the 
right of the hostess. This position of honor was accorded 
her whenever she was present at a similar function, 
either in New York or Philadelphia. 

There was joy in Philadelphia when it was learned 
that the capital was to be removed for a season from 
New York to the city where the Constitution was born. 
Eagerly preparations were made for the accommoda- 
tion of Congress and other bodies. The building 
at the southeast corner of Sixth and Chestnut Streets 
was devoted to the use of Congress, and ever since has 
been known as Congress Hall. The Supreme Court 
met in a building at Fifth and Chestnut Streets. 

Vice President Adams sought quarters at Bush Hill. 
Mrs. Adams, on November 21, 1790, wrote a letter 
which gave a delightful picture of conditions as she 
found them: 

"Bush Hill, as it is called, though by the way there 
remains neither bush nor shrub upon it, and very few 
trees, except the pine grown behind it, — yet Bush Hill 
is a very interesting place . . . The house is better 
furnished within, but when you come to compare the 
conveniences for storeroom, kitchen closets, etc., there 
is nothing like it in the whole house . . . When we 
arrived in the city we proceeded to the house. By 
accident, the vessel with our furniture had arrived the 
day before, and Brieslin was taking in the first load 
into a house all green-painted, the workmen there with 
304 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

their brushes in hand. There was cold comfort in a 
house, where I suppose no fire had been kindled for 
several years, except in a back kitchen; but, as I ex- 
pected many things of this kind, I was not disappointed 
nor discomfited. As no wood nor fodder had been 
provided beforehand, we could only turn about and go 
to the City Tavern for the night. 

"The next morning was pleasant, and I ventured 
to come up and take possession; but what confusion! 
Boxes, barrels, chairs, tables, trunks, etc.; everything 
to be arranged, and few hands to accomplish it, for 
Brieslin was obliged to be at the vessel. The first 
object was to get fire; the next to get up beds; but the 
cold, damp rooms, the new paint, etc., proved almost 
too much for me. On Friday we arrived here, and late 
on Saturday evening we got our furniture in . . . 
Every day, the stormy ones excepted, from eleven 
until three, the house is filled with ladies and gentlemen. 
As all this is no more nor worse than I expected, I bear 
it without repining . . . 

** I have not yet began to return visits, as the ladies 
expect to find me at home, and I have not been in a 
state of health to do it; nor am I yet in a very eligible 
state to receive their visits. I, however, endeavoured 
to have one room decent to receive them, which, with 
my owTi chamber, is as much as I can boast of at present 
being in tolerable order . . , Mrs. Lear was in to see 
me yesterday and assures me that I am much better off 
than Mrs. Washington will be when she arrives, for 
that their house is not likely to be completed this year. 
And, when all is done, it will not be Broadway. If 
New York wanted any revenge for the removal, the 
citizens might be glutted if they would come here, 
where every article has become almost double in price, 
and where it is not possible for Congress, and its ap- 
pendages, to be half so well accommodate for a long 
time." 

305 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Soon President and Mrs. Washington began to get 
settled in the home of Robert Morris, which had been 
occupied by General Howe while the commander of the 
Colonial forces was at Valley Forge. Mr. Morris, 
who had been instrumental in having the seat of gov- 
ernment removed from New York to Philadelphia, at 
once offered his house for the use of the President, 
and Washington gratefully accepted this further evi- 
dence of the devotion of one of his closest friends. 
Mr. and Mrs. Morris moved to the house which had 
been confiscated from Joseph Galloway during the 
Revolution. This had been bought from the Supreme 
Executive Council since it adjoined the other residence. 

The mansion occupied by the President has been 
described by Charles Henry Hart thus: 

"It was built of brick, three stories high, and the 
main building was fifty-five feet six inches wide by 
fifty-two feet deep, and the kitchen and wash house 
were twenty-feet wide by fifty-five deep, while the 
stables would accommodate the twelve horses. The 
front of the house had four windows on the second 
and third floors, two on either side of the main hall, 
and on the first floor three windows and a single door 
approached by three heavy grey stone steps. On each 
side of the house were vacant lots used as a garden 
and containing shrubbery.'* 

This property Mr. Morris bought in August, 1785. 
At once he rebuilt the house, which had been destroyed 
by fire in 1780. To it he removed in 1786 from the 
residence he had long occupied on Front Street, below 
Dock. 

In preparation for his removal to his friends' house, 
Washington wrote to his secretary, Tobias Lear: 
306 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

"The house of Mr. Robert Morris had, previous 
to my arrival, been taken by the corporation for my 
residence. It is the best they could get. It is, I 
believe, the best single house in the city. Yet without 
addition it is inadequate to the commodious accommo- 
dation of my family." 

Li another letter he spoke of some household ar- 
rangements in a way that showed his intimate know- 
ledge of these things: 

"Mr. and Mrs. Morris have insisted upon leaving 
the two large looking-glasses which are in their best 
rooms, because they have no place, they say, proper to 
remove them to, and because they are unwilling to 
hazzard taking them down. You will therefore let 
them have, instead, the choice of mine . . . Mrs. 
Morris has a mangle (I think it is called) for ironing 
clothes, which, as it is fixed in the place where it is 
commonly used, she proposes to leave and take mine. 
To this I have no objection, provided mine is equally 
good and convenient; but if I should obtain any advan- 
tage beside that of being up and ready for use, I am 
not inclined to receive it . . . Mrs. Morris, who is a 
notable lady in family arrangement, can give j^ou much 
information on all the conveniences about the house 
and buildings, and I dare say would rather consider it 
as a compliment to be consulted in those matters . . . 
than a trouble to give her opinion of them." 

It was November 27, 1790, when the President and 
Mrs .Washington reached the city . At the first levee given 
Mr. and JVIrs. Morris were, as usual, honored guests. 

During the President's residence in Philadelphia 
his household accounts were carefully kept in the 
handwriting of his secretary. These accounts, which 
are now in the possession of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, furnish a commentary of unusal interest 

307 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

on the home life of the first man in the nation. A few 
items selected at random may be quoted. It will be 
noted that sometimes dollars and cents were used, 
while sometimes the more familiar pounds, shilling, 
and pence were employed, the shilling being then 
about thirteen cents in United States money : 

Fred Kitt, deliv'd him to pay his weekly 

accounts $123.35 

12 lb. hair powder for Mrs. W n 16/ 

Paid a man for mowing the Garden 7/6 

Gave G. W. Custis to buy a Greek Grammar. .37 

8 yds. Chintz and 134 yds. Linen 4.84 

Whitewashing the house 33,33 

James Green, for five weeks services 15.00 

Polly Glenn, a mos. wages 5.00 

C. McKay, 2 weeks working for Mrs. W n, 2.98 

F. Kitt, and wife, wages 50.00 

Cask of lamp oil 54.93 

Castor oil for Oney .50 

One year's rent of house 1333.33 

30 cords of wood, cordage, etc 321.71 

Hauling wood^ 20 

Gave a man who had a very sagacious dog, for 

the family to see his performance $3.00 

2 phials best ink .50 

Hats furnished the President's Household 31.84 

Postage of a letter to printers at Winchester, 

(Virginia) .27 

Paid for President to see Elephant 1.75 

An entry made on April 1, 1793, shows that ten 
regular servants were employed in the establishment, 
one at $75 a month, one at $33.33, one at $20, one at 
$21, one at $11, and five at $10 each. 

2 This was on October 2; before the close of November fifty more 
cords of wood were bought. 
308 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

Mrs. Washington was a careful housekeeper. She 
always kept her hand on the helm. On occasion she 
could do everything necessary to make a comfortable 
home. She was a good cook, and one of her treasured 
possessions was a "Book of Cookery," in manuscript, 
which contained more than five hundred and fifty 
recipes, carefully indexed. W^ile most of these were 
in the handwriting of the great grandmother of Eleanor 
Parke Custis, to whom the book descended, Mrs. 
Washington's notes are scattered through the pages. 
From the manuscript, now in the Historical Library 
of Pennsylvania, a sample recipe is copied : 

To Make a Frykecy 
"Take 2 Chicken, or a hare, kill & flaw them hot, 
take out theyr intrills & wipe them within. Cut them 
in pieces and break theyr bones with a pestle, y"^ put 
half a pound of butter into ye frying pan, & fry it tUl it 
be browne, y° put in ye chickin & give it a walme or 
tow, y"" put in half a pint of faire water well seasoned 
with pepper and salt & a little[?] put in a handful of 
parsley, & time, & an onion, shred all small fry all these 
together till they be enough, & when it is ready to be 
dished up put into ye pan ye youlks of 5 or 6 eggs, well 
beaten and mixed w*'^ a little wine vinegar or joice of 
Leamons, stir them well together least it curdle y° dish 
it up without any more frying." 

Other recipes told how "To dress a dish of Mush- 
rumps," "To mak a lettis tart," "To mak an Harti- 
choak Pie," "To mak a Cold Posset or SuUibub." 

The home of the President and IVIrs. Washington 
became noted for generous hospitality. One of the 
guests who was welcomed there, Henry Wansey, an 
English manufacturer, wrote of his experience on June 

309 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

6, 1794, when, after presenting a letter of introduction 
to the President, he was invited to take breakfast 
with the family: 

"I was struck with awe and admiration, when I 
recollected that I was now in the presence of one of the 
greatest men upon earth, the great Washington, the 
noble and wise benefactor of the world! As Mirabeau 
styles him; — the advocate of human nature — the 
friend of both worlds. Whether we view him as a general 
in the field, vested with unlimited authority and power, 
at the head of a victorious army; or in the Cabinet, as 
the President of the United States; or as a private 
gentleman, cultivating his own farm; he is still the 
same great man, anxious only to discharge with pro- 
priety the duties of his relative situation. His conduct 
has always been so uniformly manly, honorable, just, 
patriotic, and disinterested, that his greatest enemies 
cannot fix on any one trait of his character that can 
deserve the least censure. . . . 

"Mrs. Washington herself made tea and coffee for 
ns. On the table were two small plates of sliced tongue, 
dry toast, bread and butter, &c. but no broiled fish, as is 
the general custom. Miss Custis, her grand-daughter, a 
very pleasing young lady, of about sixteen, sat next to 
her, and her brother George Washington Custis, about 
two years older than herself. There was but little 
appearance of form; one servant only attended, who 
had no livery; a silver urn for hot water, was the only 
article of expense on the table." 

The young people of the President's household, as 
well as their elders, were fond of going to the theatre. 
There are many entries in the household account book 
telling of the purchase of tickets, while more than once 
there appears the charge for a *'box at the New 

Theatre." 

310 




THE llOLsiE INTENDED E(.)U THE I'HESIDEXT ( )E THE EXITED STATE.'- 

ON NINTH STREET 

(From the engraving by Birch) 





i)(i(ii(\s \^ 1)1- _'H SIM I'H h:i(;hth street 




THE OLD PUMP AT THE CHKW Hi H SE, ( JEKMA.N T< >\\ N 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

A letter written by Ezekiel Forman to Dr. John Rock- 
hill on March 25, 1793, told of this play house, which 
was opened on Monday evening, the 17th of February, 
"with one of the most brilliant and numerous audi- 
ences I ever beheld on a similar occasion — the stated 
days or rather evenings of performance are Monday, 
Wednesday & Friday Nights in every week and some- 
times occasionally Saturday evenings — the doors open 
at five — the curtain draws up at six, exhibition is 
commonly finished at twelve O'clock.** 

Henry Wansey gave a fuller description of the thea- 
ter and of the people who went there : 

"It is an elegant and convenient theatre, as large as 
that of Covent Garden, and, to judge from the dress 
and appearance of the company around me, and the 
actors and scenery, I should have thought I had still 
been in England. The ladies wore the small bonnets of 
the same fashion as those I saw when I left England, 
some of chequered straw, &c., some with their hair 
full dressed, without caps, as with us, and very few in 
the French style. The younger ladies with their hair 
flowing in ringlets on their shoulders. The gentlemen 
with round hats, their coats with high collars, and cut 
quite in the English fasshion, and many in silk striped 
coats. The scenery of the stage excellent, particularly 
a view on the Skuylkill, about two miles from the city 
. . . The motto over the stage is novel: — *The Eagle 
suffers little birds to sing.' Thereby hangs a tale. 
When it was in contemplation to build this Theatre, it 
was strongly opposed by the Quakers, who used all 
their influence with Congress to prevent it, as tending 
to corrupt the manners of the people, and increase too 
much the love of pleasure. It was, however, at length 
carried, and this motto from Shakspear was chosen. 
It is applicable in another sense; for the State House, 

311 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

where Congress sits, is directly opposite to it, both 
being in Chestnut street, and both houses are often 
performing at the same time. Yet the Eagle (the em- 
blem adopted by the American government) is no way 
interrupted by the chattering of the mock birds with 
their minor songs.'* 

The President and his household were especially 
interested in a performance given for the benefit of 
seamen from the port of Philadelphia who were in 
captivity in Algiers, having been taken there by 
pirates. At this time, and for some years afterward, 
there was great excitement in the city because of the 
depredations of the pirates, as well as because of the 
privateers of Great Britain, which captured vessels 
on any pretext. 

The anger caused by these trying acts of a power 
with which the country was at peace was very great. 
Lord Lyndhurst, an Englishman who visited the city 
in 1796, wrote to his mother that feeling still ran high, 
and said that he feared a war with England was sure 
to result, since there was a conflict between the Presi- 
dent and the Senate, and the Lower House, which did 
not wish to see the ratification of the proposed treaty 
with England. "The Opposition here are a set of 
villains," the young Englishman insisted. 

At this period Philadelphia contained about fifty 
thousand people. Samuel Breck, who came to the 
city in 1792, wrote in 1842 that there was at the earlier 
date as much society of elegant and stylish people as at 
the later time, when the city had 270,000 population. 
"There was more attention paid then to the dress of 

servants and general appearance of equipage," he added. 
312 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

"Dinners were got up in elegance and good taste. 
General Washington had a stud of twelve or fourteen 
horses, and occasionally rode out to take the air with 
six horses to the coach, and always two footmen be- 
hind his carriage." 

Another writer of the day says that the inhabitants 
then "indulged themselves in the gratification of luxury 
and dissipation . . . The streets were crowded by the 
gay carriages of pleasure, going and returning in every 
direction; new and elegant buildings were seen rising 
in every quarter." The port "was thronged with ship- 
ping from every trading country in Europe, and both 
the Indies; like Tyre of old "her merchants were princes 
and her traffickers were the honourable of the earth." 

Perhaps the greatest display of wealth was made 
by William Binghan, of whom Breck wrote in his 
Recollections : 

"I was often at his parties, at which each guest 
was announced; first, at the entrance door his name 
was called aloud, and taken up by a servant on the 
stairs, who passed it on to the man in waiting at the 
drawing-room door. In this drawing-room the furni- 
ture was superb Gobelin, and the foldmg doors were 
covered with mirrors, wliich reflected the figures of the 
company so as to deceive an untravelled countryman, 
who having been paraded up the marble stairway amid 
the echo of his name . . . would enter the brilliant 
apartment and salute the looking-glasses instead of the 
master and mistress of the house and their guests. 

"This silly fashion of announcing by name did not 
last long, and was put a stop to bj^ the following ridic- 
ulous occurrence: On a gala-evening an eminent 
physician. Dr. Kuhn, and his stepdaughter [Miss 
Peggy Markoe, who soon afterward married Benjamin 

313 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Franklin Bache, grandson of Dr. Franklin] drove up to 
the door. A servant asked who was in the carriage. 
"The doctor and Miss Peggy," was the reply. "The 
doctor and Miss Peggy!" cried out the man stationed 
at the door. "The doctor and Miss Peggy!" bawled 
out he of the stairs, which was taken up by the liveried 
footman at the door of the drawing-room into which 
Miss Peggy and her papa entered amid the laugh and 
jokes of the company . . . 

"There is too much sobriety in our American com- 
mon sense to tolerate such pageantry, or indeed any 
outlandish fashion contrary to the plain, unvarnished 
manners of the people. Thus have the repeated 
attempts of our young dandies to introduce the mous- 
tache on the upper lip been frustrated, and so with 
the broadcloth gaiters and other foreign costumes." 

Henry Wansey, after paying a visit to the Bingham 
house, wrote: 

"I dined this day with Mr. Bingham. I found a 
magnificent house and garden in the best English style, 
with elegant and even superb furniture; the chairs of 
the drawing room were from Siddon's in London, of 
the newest fashion; the back in the form of a lyre, 
adorned with festoons of crimson and yellow silk, the 
curtain of the room a festoon of the same; the carpet of 
the Moore's most expensive pattern; the room was 
papered in the French-taste, after the style of the 
Vatican at Rome. In the garden was a profusion of 
lemon, orange and citrus trees; and many aloes, and 
other exotics . . . Mr. Bingham told me, that in the 
year 1783, he bought a piece of land adjoining to Phil- 
adelphia for eight hundred and fifty pounds, which 
now yields him eight hundred and fifty pounds per 
annum, andhehas never laid out twenty pounds upon it." 

Thomas Twining, another Englishman, who visited 
the Bingham mansion in 1795, spoke of it as the finest 
314 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

house in the city, and of its owner as "the principal 
man in Philadelphia and the wealthiest, probably, 
in the Union." 

In great contrast to the stiff formality of the 
Bingham establishment were the homelike surround- 
ings of the Morrises, who were among the social leaders 
of the city during the residence of Washington there. 
"There was a luxury in the kitchen, table, parlor and 
street equipage of Mr. and Mrs. Morris that was to 
be found nowhere else in America," Breck wrote, 
enthusiastically. "Bingham's was more gaudy, but 
less comfortable. It was the pure and unalloyed which 
the Morrises sought to place before their friends with- 
out the abatements that so frequently accompany 
the displays of fashionable life. No badly-cooked or 
cold dinners at their table; no pinched fires upon the 
hearth; no paucity of w^aiters; no awkward loons in 
their drawing rooms. We have no such establishments 
now." 

Gayety was added to Philadelphia's life by the 
presence of many of the great men of France who had 
been driven abroad by the Revolution in their own 
country. Talleyrand, Vicomte de Noailles, the Due 
de Liancourt, and the Dues de Montpensier and 
Beaujolais, and the Bishop of Autun, were at this time 
attracted to the city where Lafayette had been wel- 
comed more than fifteen years before, when America 
was in the midst of its Revolution. 

The refugees were received in the city with open 

arms and hearty sympathy. There were many who 

longed to see the country take some active part with 

those in France who were struggling for liberty, though 

315 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

there was great difference of opinion as to what should 
be done. This fact is illustrated by the minutes of the 
meeting of the Democratic Society, held on January 
9, 1794. Among the members was Citizen David 
Rittenhouse and Citizen Charles Biddle. The titles 
given to the members were an indication of strong sym- 
pathy with those in France who had deposed their king. 
That day resolutions were adopted which sound much 
as if they were the product of some modern society, 
proposed with the Great War in Europe in mind: 

^^ Resolved, that we view with inexpressible horror 
the cruel and imjust war carried on by the combined 
powers of Europe against the french republic — that 
attached to the french Nation (our only true and Nat- 
ural ally) by Sentiments of the liveliest gratitude, for the 
great and generous service she has rendered us, while 
we were struggling for our liberties, and by that strong 
conviction which arises from a similarity of government 
and of political principles, we cannot sit passive 
and forbear expressing our anxious concern while she 
is greatly contending against a World, for the same 
rights which she assisted us to establish . . . We 
cannot believe that they are making war against that 
Nation Solely, but against liberty itself. Impressed 
with this idea we cannot help concluding that if those 
lawless despots succeed in destroying an enemy in 
france so formenable to their tyraniccal usurpations, 
tliey will not rest satisfied untill they have exterminated 
it from the earth. . . . 

'^Resolved, that while America holds out the olive 
branch, and sincerely wishes to persevere in a pacific 
line of conduct, the world ought to be convinced, that 
she knows her rights, and that the same spirit which 
she has shewn in the acquisition of her Independence 
will be exerted with double energy in its defence." 
316 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

President Rittenhouse was absent when the paper 
was adopted, and when he was asked to sign it he 
offered his resignation, though he expressed cordial 
approval. 

A different attitude to the French Revolution was 
taken by "the notorious William Cobbett," an English- 
man in the city who kept a bookstore and published a 
rather scurrilous daily newspaper called Peter Porcupine. 
"The journal was anti-republican in its politics, but, 
being conducted with extraordinary spirit and ability, 
was widely circulated," the gossipy Breck wrote. 
"It was rancorous and malignant in the extreme against 
the French Revolution and all the enemies of England. 
. . . The hatred engendered by the long contest for 
an independence against England was not at all abated, 
notwithstanding the lapse of ten years, since peace 
took place, so that the foaming rage of this avowed 
Englishman who affected to despise us and our insti- 
tutions, and ridiculed with surprising dexterity most 
of the leading men of the nation, helped to widen the 
breach which threatened to end in open war. The Eng- 
lish flag was not safe in our river, and when it appeared 
there was generally the occasion of disturbance which 
required the influence of government to quiet." 

At length Cobbett's pen brought him into the 
courts. Dr. Benjamin Rush sued him because of an 
attack on his professional skill, and the Englishman 
was ordered to pay five thousand dollars damages 
and costs. English friends in Philadelphia, in Canada 
and in England raised the money for him and he paid 
the award in full. Then he left the city and, soon 
afterward, the country. 

317 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

Philadelphia's friendliness for the French did not 
keep them from sneering at L'Enfant, the French 
architect who, late in the decade, helped to plunge 
Robert Morris deeper into the debt that was so soon 
to overwhelm him, by extravagance in planning and 
building the new residence of the financier which be- 
came known as "Morris's Folly." The architect was 
called a visionary and Philadelphians seemed to make 
up their minds that any French architect was to be 
looked on with suspicion. 

One needs but to read the description of the un- 
finished house, as given by Benjamin Henry Latrobe 
in his Journal, to appreciate the attitude of the people 
to L'Enfant: 

"I suppose the front must be at least one hundred 
and twenty feet long, and I think the flank cannot be 
less than sixty . . . The windows, at least some of 
them . . . are cased in white marble with moldings, 
entablatures, architraves, and sculpture mixed up in 
the oddest and most inelegant manner imaginable; all 
the proportions are bad, all the horizontal and perpen- 
dicular lines broken to pieces, the whole mass giving 
the ideas of the reign of Louis XIII in France of James 
I in England. , . . There is a recess, across which a 
colonnade of one-story columns was intended, the two 
lateral ones being put up, with a piece of their archi- 
trave reaching to the wall; I cannot guess what was 
intended above them. ... In the south front are 
two angle porches. The angle porches are irresistibly 
laughable things, and violently ugly." 

The remainder of the account contains such strong 
expressions as "they look horrible," "such a madness," 
"wretched sculpture," "of the worst taste." Finally 
318 



.-■<*i«<»«^ 




Willfiuti robhftt 



dh". 9^^ y^-^^-- i^^^^^y ^J^h.^ ii^r^ 
,^^>^,u^^ ^"UrayJ^'f /^^^, 'i-<^jr^ ■'-^'-^ ^' ^'-'"'^ 



THK KDITOIt OF I'KTEK PORCUPINE 




RUBEKT MORRIS S UNFINISHED HOUSE 
(From the engraving by Birch) 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

it was said: "It is impossible to decide which of the two 
is the madder, the architect or his employer. Both 
of them have been ruined by it . . . This is the 
house of which I had frequently been told in Virginia 
that it was the handsomest thing in America." 

In 1798 Latrobe came to Philadelphia from Wash- 
ington, on the invitation of the president of the Bank of 
Philadelphia, who desired him to supervise the erection 
of the new bank building. To the people of the city 
the name Latrobe seemed French, and they were ready 
to pounce on him for anything that seemed visionary. 
This opportunity came, they thought, when the ar- 
chitect, after studying the water supply of the city, 
began to talk about water works. He looked with 
disfavor on the range of pumps to be found in every 
street, close to the footpaths, from which all the water 
for drinking or cooking was drawn. These, he felt, 
was largely responsible for the repeated epidemics of 
yellow fever. 

The remedy suggested by Latrobe was the bringing 
to the city of water from the Schuylkill, by means of 
pumpsjwater mains laid under the streets, and hydrants. 
Naturally, since no other city in America had made 
trial of this plan, Latrobe was spoken of as a dreamer, 
another L'Enfant. But he persisted in the face of 
ridicule, secured his appropriation, built his engine 
and pumping stations, laid his pipes of hollowed-out 
cedar logs, planted his hydrants, and made ready to 
turn on the water. 

Then the people learned their mistake. One night 
in January, 1801, the hydrants were left open. At 
midnight, in company with three friends, and one of 

319 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

his workmen, Latrobe went to the water works, built 
a fire under the boiler, and set the machinery in motion. 
In the morning the surprised citizens found the streets 
covered deep with water from the hydrants, which 
were still pouring out the flood from the Schuylkill. 
Then they owned their error. Latrobe was not a 
dreamer after all! 

Some of the pumps that made Latrobe shudder were 
outside the city gaol, on Walnut Street, and the in- 
mates were supplied from them with water for the 
carrying out of the first of the regulations provided 
for their government: 

"The prisoners shall be furnished with suitable 
bedding, shall be shaved twice a week, their hair cut 
once a month, change their linen once a week, and 
regularly wash their face and hands every morning." 

The yard of the gaol was the scene of one of the 
spectacular incidents of the period of Washington's 
residence in Philadelphia. On January 9, 1793, the 
French aeronaut Blanchard made there the first balloon 
ascension in America. Washington and all the leading 
men of the city were interested, most of them having 
contributed to the expense of preparing the balloon. 
Just before the ascent the President handed to the 
aeronaut a passport which could be shown to anyone 
who, being unfamiliar with a balloon, might offer to 
do the man harm. The document authorized him 
"to pass in such direction and to descend in such a 
place as circumstance may render most convenient." 
The balloon rose majestically, floated across the Dela- 
ware, and came down near Gloucester. Jonathan 
Penrose, Robert Wharton, and a number of other 

320 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

Philadelphians, followed on tbeir horses and brought 
the aeronaut in triumph back to the city. 

One of those who was most interested in the as- 
cension was David Rittenhouse, the scientist, who, ten 
years earlier, had persuaded a carpenter to ascend in a 
balloon. This ascent was unsuccessful, probably more 
because of the timidity of the carpenter than for 
any other reason. 

Rittenhouse was more successful as a government 
official than as an aeronaut. As the first director of 
the United States Mint he conducted the institution 
with great efficiency and economy. His estimate of 
expense for the first quarter of 1795 showed that he 
proposed to run the institution for a little more than 
six thousand dollars. 

As Washington's second term drew toward a close 
there was some clamour for his election for a third 
term, and many of the people of Philadelphia hoped 
he would yield. But the President thought this would 
be unwise, both for his owti sake and for that of the 
country. One day in September, 1796, he sent for 
D. C. Claypoole, descendant of the James Claypoole 
who came to Philadelphia in 1683, the editor of 
Claypoole' s Daily Advertiser. Then he told the editor 
of his intention to retire from public life, and asked 
him to publish in the paper an address to the people 
giving some of the President's "Thoughts and Re- 
flections" on the occasion. This document, printed 
on September 19, 1796, was the Valedictory Address 
which added to W^ashington's fame and to the love 
and reverence of the people for him. 

The day came when, in accordance with W^ashing- 

321 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

ton's wish, the Electoral College chose another to be 
the head of the nation. John Adams, on whom the 
choice fell by a close vote, wrote to his wife on the day 
after his inauguration : 

"Your dearest friend never had a more trying day 
than yesterday. A solemn scene it was indeed, and it 
was made yet more affecting to me by the presence of 
the General, whose countenance was as serene and 
unclouded as the day. He seemed to me to enjoy a 
triumph over me. Methought I heard him say, 'Ay! 
I am fairly out and you fairly in! See which of us will 
be happiest!' When the ceremony was over, he came 
and made me a visit, and cordially congratulated me, 
and wish my administration might be happy, suc- 
cessful and honorable.'* 

Just after taking the oath of office. President Adams 
received from Mrs. Adams a letter of unusual power 
and tenderness: 

"You have this day to declare yourself head of a 
nation. *And now, O Lord, my God, thou hast made 
thy servant ruler over the people. Give unto him 
an understanding heart, that he may know how to go 
out and come in before this great people; that he may 
discern between good and bad. For who is able to 
judge this thy so great a people?' were the words of a 
royal sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is 
invested with the chief magistracy of a nation, though 
he wear not a crown, nor the robes of royalty. 

"My thought and my meditation are with you, 
though personally absent; and my petitions to Heaven 
are, that 'the things that make for peace may not be 
hidden from your eyes.* My feelings are not those of 
pride or ostentation upon this occasion. They are 
solemnized by a sense of the obligations, the important 
trusts, and numerous duties connected with it. That 
322 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

you may be enabled to discharge them with honour 
to yourself, with justice and impartiality to your 
country, and with satisfaction to this great people, shall 
be the daily prayer of your "A. A." 

The President-Elect was asked to make his home 
in the fine house which had been erected by the State 
of Pennsylvania at the comer of Ninth and Market 
Streets in the hope that the presentation of this as an 
Executive Mansion would have weight in reconsidering 
the plan to move the Capital from Philadelphia to 
L'Enfant's "City in the Woods." But President 
Adams preferred to occupy the Morris mansion as 
Washington had done before him. 

The day before the inauguration of his successor 
Washington gave a farewell dinner. Mr. and Mrs. Mor- 
ris were'present. Bishop White, brother of Mrs. Morris, 
was also one of the guests. He said afterwards: 

"During the dinner much hilarity prevailed; but 
on the removal of the cloth it was put an end to by the 
President, certainly without design. Having filled his 
glass, he addressed the company, with a smile on his 
countenance, saying; 'Ladies and gentlemen, this is the 
last time I shall drink your health as a public man; I 
do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness. 
There was an end to all pleasantry, and there was not a 
dry eye among the company." 

Before Mr. Morris left the house Washington 
gave him a small profile portrait of himself, as a token 
of his friendship. This was a prized possession of the 
unfortunate financier during the days of his failure 
and imprisonment, disasters which came as a result 
of the unreliability and rascality of James Greenleaf, 
a partner in his great land deals. 

323 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

In the country's history there is not a parallel to 
the rapid change in the fortunes of the man who was 
in 1797 the President's intimate friend and associate, 
a welcome guest in his house, and within a year was 
languishing in a debtor's prison, where, instead of the 
bountiful table for which his home had been famous, 
he would have had to share the diet laid down in the 
regulations of the institution but for the care of his 
friends to make other arrangements for him. The 
ordinary diet prescribed in a prison of the period was 
as follows: 

"On Sunday, one pound of bread, and one pound 
of coarse meat made into broth. 

"On Monday, one quart of Indian meal, and one 
quart of potatoes. 

"On Tuesday, one quart of Indian meal made into 
mush. 

"On Wednesday, one pound of bread, and one 
quart of potatoes. 

"On Thursday, one quart of Indian meal made into 
mush. 

"On Friday, one pound of bread, and one quart of 
potatoes. 

"On Saturday, one quart of Indian meal made into 
mush." 

And on Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday there 
was given, in addition, to each four prisoners, a half 
pint of molasses. 

As has been indicated in a previous chapter, 
Washington did not forget his friend, but did what he 
could to cheer him in his confinement, writing to him, 
planning for him, encouraging him to look forward 
to the day of his release. 

324 



UNTIL CAPITAL WENT TO WASHINGTON 

But Washington did not live to £ee~ that day. 
December 18, 1799, brought to Philadelphia the sor- 
rowful news of the death of the Father of His Country, 
which occurred on December 14. That evening the 
Common Council of the city requested the Mayor 
to have the bells muffled for three days. And on 
December 26, according to Elizabeth Drinker : 

"The Funeral procession m honor of the late Com- 
mander in Chief of the armies of the United States, 
Lieut. Gen. George Washington . . . took place. 
They assembled at the State-house — went from there in 
grand procession to ye Dutch Church, called Zion 
church in Fourth street, where Major Gen. Henry Lee 
delivered an oration to 4000 persons . . . Ye con- 
course of people in the streets, and at ye windows, was 
very numerous . . . So all is over with G. Washington." 

Now that Washington was gone the removal of 
the capital to the new Federal City on the Potomac did 
not bring such a wrench to the people of the city that 
had been the center of the nation's life for nearly a 
generation. In November, 1800, the president, the 
cabinet members, the senators and the representatives 
took their departure. The government archives were 
packed in "about a dozen large boxes," and these, to- 
gether with the office furniture, were taken to Washington 
by sea, when three thousand people, practically the 
entire population of the city, cheered to the echo as 
the vessel made fast at the mouth of Tiber Creek. 

Philadelphia quickly readjusted itself to the ab- 
sence of the government officials and the members 
of the diplomatic corps who had helped to make the 
city's social life gayer than ever, and who had stimu- 
lated the business life to an extraordinary degree. 

325 



THE ROMANCE OF OLD PHILADELPHIA 

With the beginning of the nineteenth century 
Philadelphians set themselves with fresh vigor to the 
task of developing the rich resources of the community 
and its surrounding country and preparing for a new- 
era of prosperity. While perhaps no one stopped to 
formulate the idea, it was realized that the wonderful 
history of the century Just ended put them under 
obligation to make the future worthy of the past. 
And this task has been accomplished. In spite of 
political shortcomings the country has always been 
proud of Philadelphia's present as well as its past. 
Throughout the land the city is looked upon as a 
national possession, and it will always have a peculiar 
place in the affections, not only of its own people, 
but also of millions, many of whom perhaps will 
never enter its borders. For it is the City of the 
Declaration, whose story is unique, whose romantic 
records appeal to every loyal American. 



INDEX 



Adams, John, 105, 107, 188. 27C, 279. 

280, 282, 283. 304. 322, 323 
Adams, Mrs. John, 304, 322 
Adventures on the road, 240, 251, 

255, 257, 258, 259 
Advice to emigrants, 23, 24, 25, 26, 

30 
Algiers, entertainment for prisoners 

in, 312 
Allen, Andrew, 114 
Allentown, 251, 254 
Alsop, O. 224 
"Altamont, Baron de," 39 
American Museum, The, 64, 114, 301 
Amusements, prohibited, 90 
Andre, Major, 289, 290, 295 
Anne, Queen, gift to Christ Church, 

185 
Annesley, Richard, 39-41 
Ante-nuptial agreement, 204 
Arch Street, 101, 163, 277, 291 
Arch Street Flirt, the, 180 
Architecture, study of, part of lib- 
eral education, 105 
Arme, Elinor, condemned to whip- 
ping post, 73 
Armitt, Sally, 241 
Arnold, Benedict, 169, 212, 213, 222. 

290, 291, 295 
Arnold, Peggy Shippen, 231 
Articles of Confederation, 297, 300, 
Artist, Benjamin Franklin and the, 

244 
Assembly, the Philadelphia, 112, 
113, 121-3; dancing assembly 
closed by WTiitefield, 190 
Asshelon, Robert, 83 
Asheton, Judge William, 73 
Atwood, Mayor William, 93 
Auction sale of house furnishings, 61 
Audubon, John J., 167 

Bache, Benjamin Franklin, 314; 
Sarah Franklin, 273, 293; Richard, 
302 



Balch, Thomas Willing, 113 

Balloon ascension, 320 

Ballot stufiiug in 1703, 83 

Baltimore, 259 

Bancroft quoted, 69 

Bankruptcy law of 1800, 108 

Baptism, "in hot arrack punch," 231 

Barber, Robert, 239 

Bartram, Annie. 167; William, 167; 

John, Jr., 167 
Bass, Jeremiah, 247 
Belmont, 175, 240 
Benezet, Andrew, first schoolmaster 

to negroes, 105 
Bethlehem, 254, 258 
Beveridge, John, schoolmaster, 160, 

161 
Bible, family, of Samuel Powell, 52 
Biddle, Colonel Alexander, 76; 

Charles, 316; Clement, 76; John, 

231 
Bigamy, John Joyce charged with. 

having "to wives at once," 82 
Bingham, William, 313, 314 
Black. William, 110. 111. 130 
Blackboard, the pirate, 85 
Blue Anchor Wharf, 44, 70, 71, 77 
Bradbury, Theophilus, 128 
Bradford, 77, 78; Andrew, 86 
Breck, Samuel, 144, 175, 177, 312, 

315, 317 
Bride's trousseau, 219; dress, 224 
Brockden, Charles, deeds a slave to 

Moravian Church, 148 
Broglie, Prince de, 125 
Brown, Martha, 220 
Bryan, George, 282 
Brumbaugh, Martin C, 165 
Buckingham meeting, 252 
Buckley, Samuel, coiner, 72 
Budden, Captain Richard, 184, 196; 

Mrs. Susannah, 196 
Burd, Allen. 177: Edward, 221; 

Molly, 219; Neddy, 89, 100, 169 
Burlington, 246, 254, 257, 261 

327 



INDEX 



Busbie, John, 75 

Business: silversmith, 60; furniture 
maker, 61, 103; shipping merchant 
95; marble shop, 101; miller, 102; 
barber, 103; carriage builder, 106 

Bush Hill, 304 

Bush Hill Hospital, 146 

Cadwalader, Lambert, 242 

Caldwell, Andrew, 188 

Camden, 259 

Canals, Robert Fulton's dream of, 

263 
Candle light vs. oil lamps, 186 
Capitol removed to Philadelphia, 

304; to Washington, 325 
Carpenter, H., 153 
Carpenter's Hall, 275 
Cary, Margaret, 114 
Carter, Robert, 239 
Castleman, Richard, 96 
Catherall, Isaac, 285 
Cave houses, 46, 47, 48 
Chains blocking streets, 137 
Chalkley, George, 168; Thomas, 188, 

189, 220 
Chapman, John, 29 
Charity in early days, 130, 131, 133, 

156 
Charter, Philadelphia's first, 76; 

second (1701), 80 
Chastellux, Marquis de, 125 
Chester, 258 
Chestnut Street, 162 
Chew, Benjamin, 114, 194, 242; 

Mary, Ann Maria and Elizabeth, 

114; Sam, 194 
"Chicken Frykecy," Martha Wash- 
ington's recipe for, 309 
Chimes of Christ. Church, 184 
Chimney swallows and shad, 241 
Christ Church, 103, 105, 183, 184, 

185, 192, 196, 197, 276 
"Christecna Creek," 206 
"Chronicles of Pennsylvania," 

quoted, 90 
Church pew for Washington, 187; 

for Adams, 188 
Churches: Christ, 103, 105, 183-185, 

192, 196, 197, 276; Evangelical, 

232; First Baptist, 193; First Pres- 

328 



byterian, 185; Gloria Dei, 207; St, 
Peter's, 187, 192, 276; Second Pres- 
byterian, 185; Trinity, Oxford, 
192; Zion, 325 

Clark, Abraham, 278 
"Clark of ye Markett," 136 

Claypoole, David, 277, 321; George, 
228; John, 277; James, 27, 42, 43, 
321 

Clermont, Robert Fulton's steam- 
boat, 262, 265 

Cobbett, William, 317 

Cole, Edward, 42 

College of Philadelphia, 89, 178 

Commissions from the country, 239, 
240 

Complaint, a pauper's, 132 i 

Compulsory education, first law for, 
150 

Congress Hall, 304 

Congressmen at church, 187 

Constitution, adoption of, 301 

Constitutional Convention, 300 

Continental Congress, 242, 275, 276, 
277, 282, 299 

Continental Currency, 291-293 

Conveyances: stage coach, 248; 
chair, 248; chariot, 249; chaise, 
249; waggon, 256; boat, 257; 
steamboat, 260 ; canal boats, 
263 

Coquenakar Creek, 71 

Cornbury, Lord, 84, 246 

Comwallis, Lord, 284, 296 

Cossett, Eleazer, 75 

Council, Provisional, of 1691, 76, 77 

Council of Safety, 282 

Counterfeiters in 1683, 72 

Courage of the pioneers, 20 

Court, contempt of, 76 

Court of Admiralty, 71 

Cox, John, 240 

Coxe, Sally, 114 

Crosby, John, 151 

Crukshank, Joseph, 175 

Cutler, Dr. Manasseh, 127 

Curtis, Eleanor Parke, 309; George 
Washington, 310 

Day, Elizabeth, 75 

Deer, commission to buy, 239 



INDEX 



Democratic Society, 316 

DeWees. William, 132 

Diaries, extracts from: Elizabeth 
Drinker. 90, 124, 129, 173, 174, 
175, 21&-218, 249, 251, 256, 285, 
289, 290, 293, 295, 325; Sarah Eve, 
117, 119, 121, 172, 173, 198, 224, 
252; John Henry Helffrich, 37-39; 
Jacob Hiltzheimer, 274, 299; 
Christopher Marshall, 275; Robert 
Morton, 284; Samuel Sansom, 31— 
34; Ann Warder, 51, 59, 63, 220, 
223 

Diary, keeping a, 173 

Dickinson, Jonathan, 239 

Dinner: bill for, 62; bill of fare, 63; 
Washington's, 128; wedding, 224; 
William ^Bingham's, 304 

Dock, Christopher, schoolmaster 
164, 165 

Dock Street, 79, 162 

Dove, David James, schoolmaster, 
156-158, 160 

Dover, Delaware, 36 

Downing, Jacob, 223 

Drinker, Elizabeth, 90, 124, 129, 173, 
174, 175, 216-218, 249-252, 256, 
285, 289, 290, 293, 295, 325; 
Henrv, 216; MoUv, 216; Polly, 
223; Rachel, 251; Sally, 223 

Dress of women, 117, 221, 239, 292, 
294, 311 

Drystreet, Henry, 73 

Duche, Anthony, 31; Rev. Jacob, 
119, 169, 276; Mrs. Jacob, 276 

Duckett, Thomas, 201 

Ducking stool, 83 

Duel, challenge to, 82 

Duncan, Elliott, 103 

Dunk's Ferry, 257 

Durden, Fanny, 199 

Dyeing at home, 138, 139 

Eddy, George. 107 

Education, provision for in 1683, 
150; "Proposals Relative to Edu- 
cation," by Franklin, 156; Saur's 
treatise on, 165; Dr. William 
Smith's treatise on, 166 

Election, ballot stuflBng at, in 1705, 
83, riot in 1742, 92 



Emigrants: advice to, 23, 30; sup- 
plies needed by, 23; inventory of 
goods of, 46 

Emigrants, early, to Pennsylvania: 
Thomas Sion Evan, 21; John Ap 
Thomas, 25; James Claj'poole, 27; 
William Hudson, 28; James Mar- 
shall, 28; John Chapman, 29; 
George Ha worth, 29; Abel Mor- 
gan. 31; Samuel Sansom, 31; Sam- 
uel Neave, 31; Anthony Duche, 
31; Robert Best, 31; John Henry 
Helffrich, 37; Richard Annesley, 
39; Edward Cole, 42; John Fox, 
71; Nicholas Newton, 71; Richard 
Castleman, 96 

Ellery, WiUiam, 242, 280. 291 

Elopement, a colonial, 216-218 

England, Philip, 74 

Epidemics, prevalence of, 144 

Epitaphs, 197, 199 

Estimate of George Washington, 
310 

Evan, John, letter of in 1708, 22 

Evan, Thomas Sion, 20, 21, 22 

Evangelical Church, 232 

Evans, Dr. Cadwalader, 231 ; David, 
103; Gov. John, 84, 208; Peter, 83 

Eve, Sarah, 117, 119, 124, 172, 173, 
198, 224, 252 

Expenses of travel. 259 

Exports in 1765, 99 

Fairs: provided for in 1701, 137; 

proclamation to open, 138 
Falls of Schuylkill. 177 
Parmar, Mrs. Ehzabeth. 256 
Father and children. 213. 214. 216- 

218, 235, 236, 237, 293-295 
Fellowship Fire Company, 141 
Feminine accomplishments, 114 
Fenton, T.. 225 
Fergusson, Elizabeth. 194, 209 
Ferry: Schuylkill, 74; to Burlington, 
246; at Neshaminy, 254; to Cam- 
den, 259 
Ferryboat, first steam, 265 
Filbert Street, 106 
Financmg the Revolution, 278, 282 
329 



INDEX 



Fire: danger of from haystacks in 
street, 81; watchmen against, 134; 
regulation to prevent, 140; first 
fire companies, 141 

First Baptist Chm-ch, 193 

First Presbyterian Church, 185, 188 

Fishbourn, William, 225 

Fisher, David, 137 

Fitch, John, 260-263 

Fletcher, Governor, displaces Wil- 
liam Penn, 77 

Flower, Enoch, first schoolmaster, 
151 

Foot race, described by Alexander 
Gray don, 162 

Forman, Ezekiel, 311 

Fort Pitt, 263, 264 

Foulke, Judah, 231 

Fourth of July: first celebration of, 
282; second, 290; in 1787, 301 

Fox, James, 79 

Frame of Government of William 
Penn, 68, 69 

Franklin, Benjamin, 131, 142, 156, 
184, 190, 197, 198, 209, 244, 272, 
293, 297, 299, 300; Mrs. Mary, 
214, 292; Peter, 197; Thomas, Jr., 
214; William, 209 

Francis, Peggy, 213 

Francke, G. A., 233 

Franks, David, 113, 249; Polly, 113, 
196; Rebecca, 238 

French refugees, 315 

Friends Public School, 152 

Friendship Fire Company, 141 

Fulton, Robert, 262, 263 

Funeral customs, 198, 199 

"Further Account of Pennsylvania," 
William Penn's, 94 

Galloway, James, 158; Joseph, 306 

Gano, Rev. Stephen, 193 

Gazette, Tennsylvania WeeMy, 89, 

190, 196, 197, 272 
Girard, Stephen, 97, 98, 131, 146 
Glenn, Thomas Allen, quoted, 91 
Gloria Dei Church, 207 
Good Friends, Story of Girard's 

ship, 97, 98 
Gossip, hatred of, 174 
Graeme, Elizabeth, 209 

330 



Grand jury, presentments of, 48, 70, 

73, 80, 81, 82, 133 
Graydon, Alexander, schoolboy, 

160-163 
Gray's Ferry, 166, 179, 300 
Gray's Garden, 179 
Greenleaf, James, 323 
Grubb, Peter, 219 
Guest, Betsy, 124 
Gulph, 241 

Half-door, the pleasures of the, 55, 

56 
Hamilton, Mrs. Andrew, 238; Molly, 

114 
Hand-in-Hand Fire Company, 141 
Hannington, Bernard, 190 
Hardships of the pioneers, 51; of 

emigrants on shipboard, 25 
Harrison, George, 101, George F., 

186 
Hart, Charles Henry, quoted, 108, 

306 
Haworth, George, 29 
Haystack in street, 81, 134 
Hazing the schoolmaster, 161 
Hazlehurst, Isaac, 112 
Head, John, 223 
Head of Elk, 259, 283 
Head dresses, 116, 117, 118. 119 
Heart-in-Hand Fire Company, 141 
"Heir, the Wandering," 39 
Helffrich, John Henry, 37 
Helm, Mrs. Mary, 206 
Hiltzheimer, Jacob, 274, 299 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 

149, 201, 307 
Hockley, Richard. 190, 229 
Hopkinson, Francis, 177, 276 
. Horsham, 252 

Hospitality: in President Washing- 
ton's house, 309, 310; of William 

Bingham, 313, of Robert Morris, 

315 
House, Mrs. Mary,' 300 
Household expenses: of Benedict 

Arnold, 291; of Edward Shippen, 

292 
Housefurnishings, 59, 60, 61, 62, 

103-105 



INDEX 



Household arrangements and ac- 
counts of President Washington, 
307, 308 

Housekeeping of Mrs. Washington, 
309 

Houses: James Claypoole's, 42-45; 
cavehouses, 46— 48; Robert Turner 
tells of new houses, 53; Christo- 
pher White's described, . 53, 54; 
William Hudson's, 55; of early 
pioneer described, 56, 57; of Count 
Zinzendorf, 58; of James Coultas, 
58; of Ann Newall, 59; of Hum- 
phrey Morrey, 76 

Housewives, early, 59, 62, 63, 64 

Howe, General, 283, 286, 289, 306 

Huddy, Hugh, 247 

Hudson, Mayor William, 28, 54, 91, 
96 

Hutchinson, Dr., 220 

Independence, Declaration of, 278, 
279; first anniversary of, 282; 
second anniversary of, 290 

Independence Hall, 279 

Indian trails, 246 

Indians, sell land to Penn, 50; Penn's 
opinion of, 50; at Philadelphia 
assembly, 123 

Inglis, Katherine, 113 

Inskeep, Mayor John, changes stand- 
ard of money, 105 

"Instruction to Fine Ladies," 115 

Jail, Walnut Street, 320 

James, Thomas, 227 

Jefferson, Thomas, 107 

Jennings, Samuel, 153 

John, Thomas Ap, 26 

Johnson, Samuel, 156 

Jones. Edd, 25; Griffith. 75; Hugh, 
47; Jolm, 47, 134; Jonathan, 240; 
Owen, 286 

Journey: to New York, 249; to 
Rockaway Beach, 249; to Lan- 
caster and Reading, 250; on Old 
York Road, 251; to Burlington, 
252; to Bethlehem, 254; to sea- 
shore, 256; to"Carlile," 258; to 
Richmond, 258 



Kalm, Peter, 141 

Keach, Rev. Elias, 206 

Kearsley, Dr., 231 

Keith, George, schoolmaster, 152 

Keppele, Henry, 188 

"Kingsess Gardens," 167 

T ace, Franklin's recipe for, 295 

Lafayette, Marquis de, 315 

Lament for Philadelphia, 284 

Lancaster, 250 

Latrobe, Benjamin H., Ill, 318, 319; 
John H. B., Ill, 117 

Lawrence, Kitty, 240 

Laws: as to cave houses, 47; code of 
1682, 69; bankruptcy act of 1800, 
108; of Province to be taught in 
schools, 150; first compulsory 
education law, 150; as to school 
books, 151 

Leaming, Mrs. Deborah, 205 

Lear, Tobias, 306 

L'Enfant, the architect of Morris's 
Folly, 318 

Lester, George, 258 

Letters: of Edd Jones, 25; of 
Thomas Ap John, 26; of James 
Claypoole, 27, 42, 43, 45; of 
George Haworth, 29, 30; of John 
Jones, 47; of Robert Turner, 53, 
76; of Abel Morgan, 58; of William 
Penn, 68, 228, 235; to William 
Penn, 92; to "Mr. Wharton of 
New York," 96; of J. Peters, 106; 
of William Black, 110, 111; of 
Timothy Pickering, 116; of Rich- 
ard Peters, 122, 241; of Alexander 
Mackraby, 125; of Theophilus 
Bradbury, 128; of William Plum- 
stead, 130; of Mrs. Moore, 138; 
of Margaret Freame, 144; of 
Israel Pemberton, 152; of Thomas 
Makin, 154; of Benjamin Franklin 
156, 244, 272, 294; of Thomas 
Galloway, 158; of Thomas Chalk- 
ley, 167; of Neddy Burd, 169; of 
Richard Hockley, 190, 193, 248; 
of Rev. Elias Keach, 206; of Sarah 
Plumly, 208; of Edward Shippen, 
209; of William Franklin, 209; of 
John Smith, 210, 230; of Benedict 
331 



INDEX 



Arnold, 212; of Edward Shippen, 
•Jr., 214; of Thomas and Mary 
Franklin, 215; of Edward Burd, 
221; of Mrs. Jasper Yeates, 221; 
of Elizabeth Tilghman, 222; of 
John Ross, 231; of Peggy Shippen 
Arnold, 231; of Henry Melchior 
Muhlenberg, 232-234; of General 
Anthony Wayne, 235; of Marga- 
retta Wayne, 236; of General 
Andrew Porter, 237; of Rebecca 
Franks, 238; of Robert Carter, 
239; of Rachel Preston, 239; of 
John Cox, 240; of Sally Armitt, 
241; of Lambert Cadwalader, 242; 
of William Redwood, 242; of Ed- 
ward Tilghman, Jr., 242; of Cap- 
tain William Steel, 243; of Charles 
Norris, 244; of Mrs. Elizabeth 
Farmar, 250; of Kitty Ewing, 257; 
of Benjamin H. Latrobe, 258; of 
Robert Fulton, 263; of Mrs. 
Franklin, 273; of Sarah Franklin 
Bache, 273, 293, 297; of John 
Adams, 276, 278, 322; of Abraham 
Clark, 279; of Phoebe Pemberton, 
287; of Mrs. Adams, 304, 322; of 
Ezekiel Forman, 311 

Lewes, Delaware, 37, 84, 211 

Liancourt, Due de, 315 

Library Company of Philadelphia, 
55, 104 

License to marry, 204 

License to sell liquor applied for, 
132 

Littleboy, Maltby John, 175 

Livezey, Thomas, 102, 159 

Lloyd, Thomas, 77, 151, 189; Wil- 
liam, 228 

Logan, Hannah, 210, 230, 231; 
James, 217, 229; Sarah, 230; Wil- 
liam, 249 

Lombard Street, 143 

Long Branch, 257 

Longstreth, Jacob, 175 

Lottery, state, 104; for steeple, 
184 

Love letters, 206-214 

Luxury in 1792, 313 

Luzerne, Chevalier de la, 125 

Lyndhurst, Lord, 312 
332 



McCall, Mary, 114 

"Macaroni," 119, 120 

MacComb, John, 77, 78 

McKay, Mary, 216 

Mackraby, Alexander, 125 

Mantua (West Philadelphia), 177 

Market houses, 133, 134, 135, 136, 
137, 140 

"Market Street gutter. Ode to a," 
181 

Markoe, Peggy, 313 

Marriage of 1686, a, 201; license of 
1777, 203; antenuptial agreement, 
204; invitation to wedding, 219 

Marriot Mary, 132 

Marshall, Christopher, 275 

Matlack, Timothy, 283 

Matson, Maria, 207 

Mattson, Margaret, 73 

Mayor, salary of, 93 

Mayors, early, of Philadelphia: 
Humphrey Morrey, 76-79; Wil- 
liam Hudson, 91; Alderman Mor- 
ris refuses election, 93; William 
Atwood, 93; John Inskeep, 105; 
Charles Willing, 121, 122 

Menu at wedding dinner, 224 

Mercury, American Weekly, (quoted) 
85 

Meschianza, the, 289 

Meurer, Philip, 35 

Mifflin, General, 117; Samuel, 249; 
Governor Thomas, 261, 263 

Mineral Springs, 252 

Minister's support in early days, 193, 
194 

Monmouth, 257 

Moon, John, 202 

Moore, Robert, 89 

Mora\-ian Chiu*ch, 148 

Morgan, Rev. Abel, 31, 58; Benja- 
min, 136; George, 242 

Morrell, James, 267 

Morrey, Mayor Humphrey, 76, 77, 
78,79 

Morris, Alderman, refuses to be 
Mayor, 93; Elizabeth M., 224 

Morris house, occupied by George 
Washington, 306; by John Adams, 
323 



INDEX 



Morris, Robert. 125, 274, 278, 282. 
291, 300. 306, 307, 315, 318, 322, 
324; Mrs. Robert, 303, 304, 322 

Morris's "Folly," 318 

Morton, Roljert, 284 

Moss, John, 186 

Muhlenberg, Fricdrich, 232, 234; 
Heinrich, 232; Dr. Henry Mel- 
chior, 232; Peter, 232-233 

Mullinax, Nathaniel, 75 

"Museum, The American," quoted, 
64. 114, 301 

Naval Hospital, 286 

Neave, Samuel, 31 

Negroes, 43, 74, 81, 82, 147, 148, 165 

Neshaminy, 254 

Newall, Ann, 59 

"News of a Trumpet Sounding in 

the Wilderness," quoted, 78 
New Theatre, 310, 311 
New York, route from Philadelphia 

to. 247, 248, 249, 267 
Noailles, Vicomte de, 126. 145, 315 
Non-importation, 98, 100, 274 
Norris, Charles, 244, 249; Isaac, 77, 

148, 280; Robert, 107-109, 112, 

113, 128, 129 
Norritoa Presbyterian Church, 163 

OflBceholders, petition concerning 

character of, in 1694, 77 
O'Hara, Bryan, 103 
"Old Philadelphia," site first 

planned for, 253 
Old York Road, 251, 252, 254 
Osbom, Jeremias, 75 
Overseer of poor, letter to, 130 

Page, William, 185 

Paine, Thomas, 280 

Parson, the kind they needed, 194; 
"the country parson's lot," 195 

Paving, street, 141-144 

Peace, joy in Philadelphia because 
of, 296 

Pemberton, Isaac, 249; Israel, 152, 
154; James, 217; Nancv, 217; 
Phoebe, 286, 287; Phineas, 154 

Penalties for "betrayal into matri- 
mony," 226 



Penn, Bille, 235; Jackey, 229; Leti- 
tia, 235; Springet, 235; Thomas, 
59, 122, 197; William, 19, 20, 22. 
24. 42, 47, 49, 50, 66-68, 70, 77, 
150, 197, 228, 229 

Penrose, Jonathan, 320 

Pennsylvania Gazette, The, quoted, 
89, 190, 196, 197, 198, 272 

Pennsylvania, Court of Province of, 
73; description of, in rhyme, 155; 
frame of government for, 68, 69; 
name of, 68 

Pennypack bridge, 253 

Perot, Elliston, 223 

Perseverance, John Fitch's steam- 
boat, 261 

Perth Amboy, 247, 248 

Peters, Judge Richard, 122, 157, 
175-177, 240 

Peter Porcupine, newspaper, 317 

Philadelphia, in 1682, 22; growth of, 
37, 49, 53, 58; early government of, 
of, 70; in 1710, 96; occupied by 
British, 286, 287; evacuated, 290 
" Philadelphiad, The," extract 
from, 180 

Philosophy, satisfying, 172, 173, 174, 
175 

Physician's bill in 1717, 100 

Pickering, the coiner, 72; Timothy, 
116 

Pillory, 73, 74 

Pine Street, 114 

Pirates and privateers, 26, 34, 35, 84, 
85-188, 312 ' 

Plumly, Sarah, 208 

Plumstead, William, 130 

Poetry, the weird, of Charles Norris, 
244 

Poquestion Bridge, 253 

Porter, Andrew, schoolmaster, 163; 
General Andrew, 237; James, 
237 

Postage, expensive, 227; to Bethle- 
hem, 258; to Winchester, Virginia, 
308 

Pouhons American Daily Advertiser, 
quoted, 196 

Poverty and pride, 172 

Powell, Samuel, record in family 
Bible, 52; William, 74 

333 



INDEX 



Preston, Rachel, 239 

Pride and poverty, 172 

Prisons. 107, 14G, 166, 324 

Privateers and pirates, 26-34, 35, 
85-88, 312 

Procession on adoption of constitu- 
tion, 301 

Profanity, indictment for, 80 

Prophecy: of John Adams, 279; of 
Thomas Chalkley, 188; of John 
Fitch, 263; of Robert Fulton, 263, 
264, 266; of Isaac Norris, 280 

"Proposals, Relative to Education 
in Pennsylvania," 156 

Proud, Robert, schoolmaster, 163 

Provincial Coiu-t, 70 

Provisions, cost of, 61, 106 

Pryor, Tom, 239 

Punishments in early days, 73, 74, 83 

Pumps on streets, 140, 319j 

Quakers, 78, 91, 118, 167, 197, 199, 
201, 215, 216, 218, 271, 283, 284, 
311 

Quarrier & Hunter, carriage builders, 
106 

Quarter Sessions, Court of, 74 

Race Street, 143 ' 

Reading, 250, 255 _ 

Reception of British in Philadelphia, 

285 
Redemptioners, 30, 39, 42, 75, 149 
Redwood, William, 242 
Reeve, John, 246 

Refugees, adventures of, 256, 281- 
Religion, early expressions on, 43 
Removal of capital to New York, 

303; to Philadelphia, 304; to 

Washington, 325 
Revolution, French attitude to, 316, 

317 
Richardson, Mary, 28 
Richmond, 259 
Rittenhouse, David, 164, 28^, 316, 

317, 321 
Rhodes, Mary, 214; Mr. and Mrs. 

Samuel, 215 
Roberts, Betsy, 223; Hugh, 225 
Robinson, George, 215 
Rockhill, Dr. John, 311 

334 



Ross, Betsy, 277; John, 231, 249 
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, 101, 105, 136, 

224, 317 
Russell, John, 100 

Sabbath breaking in 1702, 81, 82 

St. Peter's Church, 105, 114, 187, 
192 276 

Sande'l, Rev. Andreas, 171, 207 

Sansom, Joseph, 223; Samuel, 31; 
Sarah, 223 

Saratoga, journey to, 267 

Saur, Christopher, 164 

Savery, William, 223 

Say, Dr. Benjamin, 108, 179 

Schoolboys, 152, 160-163, 168, 169 

Schools: first, 151; William Penn 
Charter, 152, 155; Friends' Public, 
152, 155; Charity, 156; Academy, 
156; Germantown Academy, 158; 
Dove's private, 159; Dr. Smith 
teaches in jail, 166 

Schoolmasters: first, 151; Enoch 
Flower, 151; Thomas Lloyd, 151; 
George Keith, 152; Thomas Ma- 
kin, 152-155; David James Dove, 
156, 160; Dr. William Smith, 157, 
166; Pelatiah Webster, 158; John 
Beveridge, 160; Robert Proud, 
163; Andrew Porter, 163; Christo- 
pher Dock, 164; Anthony Benezet, 
163; Alexander Wilson, 166; Na- 
thaniel Walton, 167 

Schoolbooks, first provision for, 
151 

Schoolhouse, first, 151 

"Schul-ordnung," first educational 
book in Pennsylvania, 164 

Schuylkill, State in, 176 

Sealer of measures, 136 ' 

Seashore, trip to, 250, 256 

Second Presbyterian Church, 185 

Serenading, 126 

Seward, William, 191 

Sexton, rules for the, 195 

Shad and chimney swallows, 241 

Sheep-raising in 1690,79; Doggsand 
sheep, 81 

Sheepshank, Edward, 175 

Sheppard, Moses, 252 

Ship "Insheurence," 97 



INDEX 



Shippen, Edward. 77, 121, 177, 208, 
2Uy, 213, 214, 290, 291, 292; Eliza- 
beth, 169, 221; Joseph, 112; Mar- 
garet, 212, 222, 290, 291, 295 

Shipping and sliipping merchants, 
95-99 

Ships mentioned: Lyon, 25; Con- 
cord, 27; John, 31; Catharine, 34; 
John Galley, 36; Levee, 71; Amity, 
76; Pandour, 88; Otter, 88; Ocean, 
97; Good Friends, 97, 98; High- 
land, 105; Philadelphia, 105; Penn- 
sylvania Packitt, 149; Myrtella, 
184; Peggy, 296; Rising Sun, 301 

Shrewsbury, 257 

Silversmith, bill of, 101 

Singleton, Arthur, 199 

Slaves, 43, 74, 81, 82, 147, 148, 165 

Sleigh riding, 126 

Smallpox of 1736, 144 

Smith, John, 210, 230, 231; Samuel, 
273; Dr. William, 121, 157, 177, 
178 

Social amusements : tea-drinking, 
124-126; sleigh-riding, 126; sere- 
nading, 126 

Society recreations in New York, 238 

Soldier, supplies for a, 243 

Soldiers, women's work for, 288 

Spangenburg, Bishop, and the INIora- 
vian colony, 34 

Spear, Peggy, 231 

Spicer, Jacob, 204 

Stage coaches, 248, 258 

Stage plays prohibited, 90 

Stamp Act, 242, 272, 273, 274 

Stansbury, Joseph, 292 

State House, 105, 275, 292, 300 

State House bell, 280 

Steamboats, the first, 260; Persever- 
ance, 261; Clermont, 262, 265, 266; 
Raritan, 267; Phoenix, 267; Eagle, 
268; Paragon, 268 

Steel, James, 228; Captain William, 
243 

Steeples, war of the, 185; lottery for, 
184 

Stenton, 210, 229,' 230 

Stocks, the, 73 

Strahan, William, 277, 297 

Superstition, 171 



Supreme Executive Coimcil, 283, 

299, 306 
Swedes' Church, 145 
Swift, Alice, 113 
Swine, petition for protection from, 

134 

Talleyrand, 315 

Taminy, Chief, sells land to William 
Penn, 50 

Taxes in 1692, 80; in 1702, 80; for 
markets, 140 

Tea, 275, 288 

Tea-drinking, 124, 125, 126 

Teach, John (Blackbeard), 85 

Test Act, 273 

Thanksgiving in 1780, 296 

Thieves, 56, 89, 90 

Thomas, Howard, 76; John Ap, 25 

Thomson, Charles, 104, 157 

Thornton, William, 261 

Tilghman, Edward, Jr., 242; Eliza- 
beth, 222 

Trails, Indian, 246 

Trees and stumps in 1683, 71 

Trent, Judge William, 95 

Trenton, 249 

Trinity Church, Oxford, 192 

Trousseau, a bride's, 219 

Twining, Thomas, 314 

United States Mint, 321 
University of Pennsylvania, 100, 
121, 156, 157 

Valedictory address of Washington, 

321 
Valley Forge, 287. 289, 300, 306 
Vine Street, 143 
Virginia, spoken of as "foreign 

parts," 75 
Voluntary support for markets, 140; 

for fire service, 140, 141; for street 

paving, 141 
Voyage, Atlantic, perils of, 19, 26, 29, 

31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38 

Wagstaffe, John, 199 
Wain, Betsy, 257; Richard, 216, 257 
Walnut Street, 79; prison, 146; 
wharf, 145 

335 



INDEX 



Walton, Nathaniel, 167 

Wansey, Henry, 309, 311, 314 

Warder, Ann, 51. 59. 63, 220, 223 

Ward, To\v'nsend, quoted, 55, 198 

Waring, Elizabeth, 199 

Washington, D. C, 322, 325 

Washington, George, 108, 128, 129, 
187, 262, 264, 271, 276, 278, 282, 
287, 299, 300, 302, 306, 307, 312,. 
313, 321, 322, 323, 324; Judge 
Bushrod, 175; Mrs. Martha, 108, 
128, 129, 303, 304, 305, 309 

Watchman, night, 134 

Water works, 319 

Wayne, General Anthony, 235; Mar- 
garetta, 235 

Weather, cold, 36 

Webster, Pelatiah, schoolmaster, 158 

Wilkins, Martha, 202 

West Philadelphia (Mantua), 177 

Whaling, 94, 162 

WTiarton, Joseph, 289; Robert, 216, 
320; Thomas, 102, 103, 153, 158, 
159; Thomas, Jr., 283 



WTiipping-post, 73, 74 

W^hitby Hall, 59 

White, Bishop William, 113, 187, 
188. 322; Mary, 113 

Whitefield, George, 189-193 

WTiitewashing, 64 

Whittlesey, Charles, 261 

William Penn Charter School, begin- 
ning of, 152 

Willing, Abigail, 113; Charles, 73, 
113, 121; Thomas, 249 

Willis, Robert, 223 

Wilmington, 37 

Wilson, Alexander, 179 

Windows in houses, 46, 57, 58 

Witchcraft in 1683, 72 

Wood, Ruth, 201 

Woodlands, 114, 127 

W^ragg, John, 248 

Wright, James, 244; Susannah, 138, 
241 

Yellow fever, 144-147 

Zion Lutheran Church, 325 



336 



u'->i 



31 



